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| Fallout of the verdict |
| Monday, March 02, 2009 Talat Masood ![]() The way events are unfolding in Pakistan it appears our national failure has been programmed and the political software written by our leaders, whether it was the erstwhile military regime or the current civilian leadership, leaves little scope for recovery. In the face of multiple challenges that the country is confronted with, the need is to develop a broad consensus. Instead President Zardari regrettably is pursuing, the politics of “winner takes all” and Nawaz Sharif is taking his fight to the streets. When the country is facing an expanding insurgency in FATA and parts of NWFP, a nationalist uprising in Baluchistan, an economy in deep distress, increasing tensions with India and acute problems of governance it is mind boggling why any leader should try to destabilize Punjab. The implications of the court decision are going to be far reaching on the body politic and economy of the country. First, in the short term it would deflect the attention of the government from combating insurgency and counter terrorism. For the government to place reliance on the recent peace deals in Swat and elsewhere would be premature and misleading, as the situation is still tenuous and uncertainClearly, PML-N is the most important political force in Punjab and the second largest national party and it is imprudent to antagonize them at this juncture, when owning the fight against insurgents and mobilizing public opinion against them is crucial. Moreover, PML-N has been taking a moderate and balanced approach toward fighting insurgency in FATA and advocating a firm policy of controlling militants that are destabilizing Pakistan and creating serious problems with India. It is likely that political expediency may push PML-N in a close alliance with rightist and hard line parties and fight against militancy will weaken. The opposition cannot be expected to remain silent in the face of President Zardari’s effort to impose PPP rule throughout the country. What is more politically significant is that PML-N joining the lawyers’ movement will give a new momentum to it! And as other opposition elements join the band wagon it may result in building a critical mass sufficient to unhinge the government that already is so weak. PPP regrettably, ever since the tragic death of Benazir Bhutto has been factionalized, its democratic character marred by the authoritarian style of its new leadership and is unlikely to provide the motivation to resist the emerging countervailing political forces. The opposition parties may also succeed in driving a wedge between Prime Minister Gilani and President Zardari. Their relationship is already under stress as most of the government powers rest with the prime minister but are being exercised by President Zardari. Lack of credibility and popular perception about the legitimacy of the higher courts and of President Zardari, makes the court’s decision to disqualify the Sharif brothers and the imposition of governor’s rule difficult to stick. In any case disqualification of Sharif brothers has been a great setback to democracy and pluralism. If confrontation is not avoided soon the economic problems will get compounded and political instability will increase. Domestic and external investments will further dry up and overall productivity will fall. Our dependence on IMF, international donor agencies and US assistance which is already high will increase. US influence which is pervasive could become overwhelming. Poverty levels will rise, causing hardship to large cross sections of people. It has been experienced that financially and bureaucratically weak governments create an environment that favours militant recruitment and poorer countries suffer longer insurgencies. For democracy to endure in a poor country as ours, economic growth is essential. Economic development allows middle class to gain economic and political power as private business and civil society gains strength. All these possibilities would be lost if the political foes do not reconcile their differences. India will take full advantage of Pakistan’s internal dissensions and will step up its diplomatic pressure. Military leadership so far has been trying to stay away from politics, but may be constrained to intervene if conditions deteriorate to prevent country’s slide into chaos. And politicians have to remind themselves that every military intervention has been berthed in gratitude albeit the honeymoon has been short lived as they too have failed miserably in solving the country’s myriad problems. The way to prevent the country from a downward spiral is for President Zardari and Nawaz Sharif to move from confrontation to reconciliation and develop a framework for coexistence and tolerance for each other. Punjab must return to PML-N, just as the PPP government at the centre should be allowed to complete its full term. Any unjust dispensation of political power will accelerate the downslide. We have the experience of 90’s in front of us and President Musharraf’s blunders fresh in our memory. His lack of understanding of the value of institutions be it judiciary, parliament, political parties or bureaucracy brought the country to the brink of a chasm. Similarly, PPP and PML leaders in the 90’s tried to undermine each other and weakened democratic institutions. It seems they have not learnt from their past mistakes despite the assurances they were giving to the electorate before the elections. It is time that the political leaders diverted their energies toward building the country and wrapping up their convoluted ambitions. They have to draw strength from the people and be accountable to them if they have to stay in power and ensure an enduring democracy. The writer is a retired lieutenant-general. Email: talat@comsats.net.pk |

Editorial: Give Punjab back?
Amid scuffling MNAs, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani announced Saturday on the floor of the National Assembly that the PPP would sit on the opposition benches in the Punjab Assembly if it failed to form a majority government in the province. He must have been a bit self-conscious when he added, “There is no need for horse-trading...we will sit on the opposition benches if we fail to form a majority government”.
عزیزاللہ خان بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام کوئٹہ |
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| ہلاک ہونے والوں کے ایک رشتہ دار |
پولیس کے مطابق ڈبل روڈ پر اتوار کی شام نامعلوم افراد نے ایک دکان پر کام کرنے والے باپ بیٹے کو فائرنگ کرکے ہلاک کر دیا ہے۔ پولیس اہلکاروں نے بتایا ہے کہ ہلاک ہونے والے افراد کا تعلق اہل تشیع سے تھا۔
اس بارے میں پاکستان عزاداری کونسل کے رہنما رحیم جعفری سے رابطہ کیا تو انہوں نے کہا کہ حکومت ٹارگٹ کلنگ کے واقعات پر قابو پانے میں مکمل طور پر ناکام ہو چکی ہے اور اب بلوچستان میں گورنر راج نافذ کر دیا جائے۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ ان کی ہزارہ برادری اور اہل تشیع کے افراد کو مسلسل نشانہ بنایا جا رہا ہے اور اس بارے میں انہوں نے کور کمانڈر گورنر اور وزیر اعلی بلوچستان کے علاوہ وفاقی مشیر داخلہ سے رابطے کیئے ہیں لیکن ان کی سنوائی نہیں ہو رہی۔
بلوچستان میں ٹارگٹ کلنگ کے واقعات میں سن دو ہزار چار میں شدت آئی اور اب اس وقت ٹارگٹ کلنگ کے واقعات میں خطرناک حد تک اضافہ ہو چکا ہے۔ اس سال کے ان دو ماہ میں اڑتالیس افراد کو ہلاک کیا گیا ہے جن میں ایک بڑی تعداد اہل تشیع کی ہے۔ رحیم جعفری کے مطابق پانچ روز پہلے سریاب روڈ پر ایک باپ اور پانچ بیٹوں کو نشانہ بنایا گیا تھا جن میں سے چار افراد پہلے روز ہلاک ہو گئے تھے باقی دو میں ایک نے دو روز پہلے اور ایک نے آج دم توڑ دیا ہے۔ ان ہلاک ہونے والے افراد کو تعلق افغانستان کے صوبہ کندھار کے اہل تشیع سے بتایا گیا ہے۔
ان ہلاکتوں کے خلاف پشتونخواہ ملی عوامی پارٹی نے بھی احتجاجی مظاہرہ کیا تھا۔
http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/story/2009/03/090301_quetta_killing_fz.shtml
By RANNIE AMIRI
www.counterpunch.org
Weekend Edition
February 27 - March 1, 2009

Located in the Hijaz region of western Saudi Arabia, Medina is the second holiest city in Islam. It is home to the Prophet’s Mosque and its famous green dome, beneath which is found Muhammad’s tomb. Millions of Muslims visit Medina each year, often as a stopover before beginning the Hajj, or annual pilgrimage to Mecca. This week though, in the normally tranquil environs of the mosque, violence erupted and blood was spilled. The strife in Media comes on the heels of recently announced ‘reforms’ of the religious police and judiciary by Saudi King Abdullah, and is a telling sign of just how dismissively they were received.
Background
Many Muslims from Saudi Arabia and beyond chose to visit Medina and the Prophet’s Mosque outside of the Hajj season, particularly Shia Muslims, as they did this week. It was to commemorate the anniversary of the death of Prophet Muhammad on 28 Safar (in the Islamic lunar calendar) in 632 AD, corresponding to Feb. 24 this year.
Situated across from the Prophet’s Mosque is a cemetery known as Jannat al-Baqi or “The Garden of Heaven.” It is where many notable persons in Islamic history are buried, including the Prophet’s companions, wives, and the 2nd, 4th, 5th and 6th Shia Imams (who are direct descendants of Muhammad through his daughter Fatima, and his cousin, Ali). Hasan, the second Imam and grandson of the Prophet, was murdered on 28 Safar. Since the day of his martyrdom coincides with that of the Prophet’s death, many pilgrims were also drawn to al-Baqi.
Before continuing, it should be understood that although Saudi Arabia claims to follow the Hanbali school in Islam, one of the four main schools of Sunni jurisprudence, in reality they follow Wahhabism; an ultra-puritanical and often intolerant version of the religion derived from the 18th century teachings of Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahab.
It was the Muhammad ibn Saud, the founder of modern-day Saudi Arabia, who first forged an alliance and secured a pact with Abdul Wahab, which continues to be honored to this day. The followers of Abdul Wahab (or Wahabis) are allowed control over the educational and religious institutions in the country in exchange for permitting the Saudi royals family to rule it.
It is the Wahabis who have branded Shia Muslims ‘infidels’ for, among other reasons, their deep respect for, and veneration of, the family of the Prophet Muhammad. They consider the practice of visiting the graves of the Imams (who the Shia believe to be the Prophet’s divinely appointed successors) tantamount to idolatry. Indeed, not only visiting graves but commemorating anyone’s birth or death is anathema according to Wahabi doctrine.
As a result, there is pervasive and institutionalized discrimination against Shia Muslims in Saudi Arabia, where they form about ten percent of the population. Among other examples, they are barred from obtaining governmental positions; activists are routinely jailed; academic prejudice is commonplace; religious leaders are prevented from broadcasting on radio or television and religious rites are curtailed to the extent possible (which media are also prohibited from covering). In one instance, Shias were even banned from donating blood.
Pilgrims vs. Religious Police
And so they came.
Between 5,000-7,000 Saudi Shia pilgrims from Qatif and Al-Hasa in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia, where they constitute one-third of the population, arrived in Medina to visit the Prophet’s Mosque and al-Baqi cemetery in the days prior to 28 Safar.
The trouble started on the evening of Feb. 20 when the Mutawwa, or Saudi religious police, who work under the authority of the “Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice” were found to be illegally filming Saudi Shia women who had gathered outside al-Baqi (so much for virtue). Five male relatives who witnessed this demanded the police hand over or destroy the film. Instead, they were arrested.
After these arrests, thousands of pilgrims protested outside religious police headquarters. Scuffles ensued and riot police began beating protestors. In the following days, the religious police barred women from visiting al-Baqi, even in areas reserved specifically for them (women are not allowed to visit graves in Saudi Arabia) and were addressed with derogatory language at the Prophet’s Mosque. When all were prevented from entering the cemetery on Feb. 23, further clashes ensued. Three pilgrims were killed and nine arrested. Press TV also reports that a bus carrying them was attacked and a cleric stabbed.
Sheik Hussein Al-Mustapha, a prominent Shia cleric, told the Associated Press, “There was a flagrant aggression on women's rights and the Shiite visitors. It was a premeditated action by extremist men who want to put an end to visits by Shiite visitors.”
It would not be the first time Shia pilgrims have been harassed and abused when visiting the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. In 2007, American citizen Sayyid Jawad Qazwini and a group of US and UK pilgrims experienced first-hand the ruthless behavior the Saudi religious establishment exhibits toward Shias.
‘Reforms’ of King Abdullah
Less than a week prior to the violence in Medina, King Abdullah unveiled the most sweeping reforms and reshuffling of prominent department officials the country has seen since he became king in 2005.
They included:
Sacking the head of the religious police, Sheikh Ibrahim al-Ghaith. His replacement,
Sheikh Abdul Aziz al-Humain told Al-Arabiya news, “We will try to be close to the heart of every citizen. Their concerns are ours.”
Removing Supreme Judicial Council leader Sheikh Saleh al-Luhaidan (infamous for his fatwa ordering that owners of satellite channels showing “immoral” content be killed).
Expanding the Ulema Council (council of religious leaders) to include members of all four branches of Sunni Islam. Previously, it was limited to only those following the Hanbali school. No Shia members were included, although there are indications two eventually may be.
Appointing the first woman deputy minister, the most senior job ever held by a woman in the Kingdom (although women are still prohibiting from driving).
New heads of the administrative court, the Supreme Council of Justice, and the Supreme Court were named.
The Aftermath
The tragic events which occurred in Medina are sobering evidence of the grip that the Wahabi religious establishment has on Saudi society, its police, and judiciary. The wanton discrimination and violence which continues to be meted out against Saudi Shia citizens make the reforms of King Abdullah—no matter how well intentioned—appear empty and hollow. Saudi columnist Najib al-Khonaizi remarked, "There's a feeling that the Shiites' ambitions have not been realized as hoped, and that could have played an indirect role in inflaming emotions. We have to admit that there's tension in the Shiite street."
As a result of the clashes, arrests and killings in Medina, there are now reports of protests breaking out in the Eastern Province with demands for increased freedom of expression and equal rights becoming more vocal. As reported by the Associated Press, demonstrators were even seen carrying banners reading “down with the government” and spray painting anti-government slogans on billboards—all unheard of in the tightly controlled nation.
It may very well be that spreading anger over the harassment and violence directed against Shias in Medina—insultingly juxtaposed against King Abdullah’s purported reforms—will become the real nidus and driving force behind meaningful change in the Kingdom.
Until then, it will be Saudi Arabia’s Shia Muslims who will point to King Abdullah and the litany of his reforms and remind everyone that truly, “the emperor has no robes.”
Rannie Amiri is an independent Middle East commentator. He may be reached at: rbamiri at yahoo dot com.
http://www.counterpunch.org/amiri02272009.html The Prophet Mohammed Mosque in Medina, the second holiest city in Islam. |
Published Date: February 28, 2009
BEIRUT: Lebanon's top Shiite cleric is calling on Saudi Arabia to punish policemen who beat Shiite pilgrims during a scuffle last week at a revered Shiite cemetery in the Sunni kingdom. Grand Ayatollah Mohammed Hussein Fadlallah says "serious" clashes between the pilgrims and riot police at the cemetery in Medina threaten to inflame sectarian tensions. Shiite witnesses said religious police - who enforce Saudi's strict code of Sunni Islam - beat a group of Shiite pilgrims outside the cemetery. Saudi officiBy: Donna Abu-Nsr, Associated Press
RIYADH, Saudi Arabia — Shiite Muslims are shouting anti-government slogans and demanding more freedoms in rare protests amid the minority’s worst confrontations in years with authorities in this overwhelmingly Sunni kingdom.
Prominent Shiite clerics and intellectuals called on the government Wednesday to launch a fair investigation into a dispute last week that triggered the unrest.
Hundreds of protesters in the poor Shiite town of Awwamiya carried banners saying “Down with the government” and spray-painted the slogan on billboards Tuesday, witnesses said. One said youths threw stones at a police post before officers fired in the air to disperse the crowd, which included women. No casualties were reported.
Clashes between Shiites and religious police also were reported Monday and Tuesday outside a cemetery at the center of the latest uproar.
The Sunni majority has long had strained relations with Shiites, who are a small minority of the country’s 22 million people. Considered infidels under the Wahhabi interpretation of Islam widely followed in Saudi Arabia, Shiites routinely complain of discrimination and outspoken Shiite critics have been jailed.
Latest conflict
The latest eruption of tensions began with an argument Feb. 20 near a cemetery in Medina, Islam’s second holiest city, that contains the graves of revered imams.
Shiites say members of the religious police who maintain an office at the al-Baqee Cemetery filmed female pilgrims and refused to hand over the tapes or destroy them. A Saudi official blamed Shiite pilgrims for the trouble, accusing them of performing religious rituals offensive to other worshippers and authorities at the cemetery.
Shiites say riot police were heavy-handed in dealing with the pilgrims, beating them with batons and arresting some.
The protests came a week after King Abdullah ordered the most significant changes in government, the armed forces, the judiciary and the religious establishment since he became king in 2005, but left Shiites feeling left out of the reforms.
Shiites had hoped for appointments as ministers or representation in the council of senior scholars that had been restructured to include all schools of Sunni Islam. But no Shiites were chosen for those positions.
“There’s a feeling that the Shiites’ ambitions have not been realized as hoped, and that could have played an indirect role in inflaming emotions,” said Najib al-Khonaizi, a Shiite columnist. “We have to admit that there’s tension in the Shiite street.”
Deliberate provocation
Many Shiites say authorities deliberately provoked the dispute at the cemetery.
“There was a flagrant aggression on women’s rights and the Shiite visitors,” Sheik Hussein al-Mustapha, a prominent Shiite cleric, told The Associated Press. “It was a premeditated action by extremist men who want to put an end to visits by Shiite visitors.”
“We demand an investigation into the incident in order to put an end to these ugly practices,” he said.
A Saudi official put the blame on the Shiite pilgrims, saying they triggered the dispute by practicing rituals deemed by others to be “religious infractions,” such as the practice of Shiites to grab a handful of dust as a blessing and pray at the graves of the imams.
The official, who would not allow his name to be used, said such “infractions” are frequent at al-Baqee and usually are dealt with quietly by asking pilgrims to stop. But last week, he charged, a large crowd of Shiites was bent on provoking other worshippers and authorities at the cemetery.
Asked if members of the religious police had videotaped Shiite female pilgrims, the official said that if there was filming it was to take evidence of the infractions and not for voyeurism.
The official said nine of the Shiite visitors to the cemetery were arrested. He said the government was keen to find out the truth and the reasons for the escalation. He said the perpetrators would be held responsible, but did not elaborate.
Shias in the Gulf
Feb 26th 2009 | CAIRO
From The Economist print edition
Women versus women in BahrainLIKE the crude oil that lies in vast pools beneath the Persian Gulf, tensions between the region’s Sunni and Shia Muslims tend to stay below ground. But when pressures build and a ready channel is cleared, they can bubble to the surface with alarming force. Thirty years ago the Islamic revolution in Shia-majority Iran inspired a wave of unrest among fellow Shias of the opposite shore. Things then calmed down. Nervous Arab rulers, all of them Sunnis, soothed their Shia subjects with a few rights and promises of more, while Iran largely gave up trying to export its revolutionary fervour.
But with Iran lately sounding more aggressive under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, small incidents are again triggering bigger eruptions. On February 20th, for instance, a group of female pilgrims visiting the most revered Shia site in Saudi Arabia, a cemetery in Islam’s second-holiest city, Medina, where hundreds of the Prophet Muhammad’s descendants are said to have been buried, screamed when they spotted what they guessed was a religious policeman filming them from on top of a security wall. Male relatives, outraged by this invasion of modesty, demanded the footage. Instead, the all-Sunni police force arrested five of them, sparking a riot by thousands of Shia pilgrims, more arrests and injuries. Repeated protests over several days then spread from Medina to Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province. That province contains many of the kingdom’s Shia minority, numbering about 10% of Saudis, as well as most of its oil reserves.
As Shia clerics weighed in with calls for an end to what they called systematic persecution, Sunni extremists accused the rafida, an abusive term for Shias, meaning rejectionists, of acting as a fifth column for Iran. “Today they besiege the religious police,” howled one website commentator. “Tomorrow they will encircle the Eastern Province along with the Shias of Bahrain and with Iranian backing.” The Saudi king should “strike them with an iron fist”, declared the writer. Another suggested that the Shias be hurled into the Red Sea or, better still, dropped onto the Iranian shrine city of Qom.
Mention of Bahrain carries particular resonance. It was in this tiny neighbouring island kingdom, where two-thirds of the citizens are Shias and where the American Fifth Fleet is based, that sectarian troubles loomed alarmingly in the 1980s. More recently, in December, Bahrain’s authorities accused 35 Shias of plotting to overthrow the state. Since then, sporadic riots have rocked the poor Shia villages that ring Bahrain’s capital, Manama. In January three human-rights campaigners were arrested. This week 21 people, including two of the human-rights activists, appeared in court, accused of planning to ambush policemen and bomb public property, shopping malls, markets and hotels.
Yet when Iranian politicians recently sniffed that Bahrain used to be an Iranian province, Bahrain’s main Shia parties were quick to reaffirm their Arab identity, joining a chorus of Arab protest that led some commentators to remark pointedly that several Iranian provinces happen to house large Arab and Sunni populations. Fearing damage to the reputation it has tried to build as a defender of pan-Islamic causes, Iran hastily apologised to Bahrain.
The ugly nearby example of sectarian strife in Iraq, though it has subsided in the past two years, has left little appetite in the region for more trouble of that kind. Despite suspicions of their loyalty, Shia Arabs tend to look not to Iran but to their own spiritual leaders for guidance. Yet with Iran determined to chase the Arabs’ American ally from the Gulf, and with Shia Arabs often still suffering political exclusion and social stigma, unrest is likely to break out from time to time. Considering local, regional and international variables, a clash between the Saudi regime and its Shia citizens is a matter of time, reads an ominous analysis on a popular Saudi website.
http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=13185773


NEW YORK: ‘Between the threats from extremists, an unraveling economy, battling civilian leaders and tensions with its nuclear rival India, Pakistan is edging ever closer to the abyss,’ the New York Times said Saturday.
In a lead editorial the newspaper asks President Asif Ali Zardari and the leader of Pakistan Muslim League (N) Nawaz Sharif ‘to find a way to work together’ saying ‘their country is in mortal danger’ and they need ‘to save it.’
The Times recalled ‘when Mr Zardari became president, he pledged to unite the country’ but noted ‘he has not’.
‘We don’t know if Mr Zardari orchestrated this ruling, as Nawaz Sharif and many others have charged. (The government actually argued Mr Sharif’s side in the case, which stems from an earlier politically motivated criminal conviction.) We do know the danger of letting this situation get out of control.’
It also notes ‘like Mr Zardari, Mr Sharif is a flawed leader and no doubt is manipulating the combustible court ruling for personal political gain.’
It underscored that ‘for Pakistan’s democracy to survive, a robust opposition must be allowed to flourish and participate peacefully in the country’s political life. That includes finding a way for Mr Sharif to run for office.’
The newspaper asserts ‘Pakistan must get serious about tackling its problems, including the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban. Mr Zardari, whose wife, Benazir Bhutto, was assassinated by extremists, seems to understand.’
However, the newspaper laments ‘unfortunately, the powerful chief of the Pakistani Army, Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, still seems far more focused on the potential threat of India than the clear and present danger of the extremists. He is said to have supported the recent deal in which the government effectively ceded the Swat Valley — in the border region but just 100 miles from Islamabad— to militants in a misguided bid for a false peace.’
‘Pakistanis need to understand that this is their fight, not just America’s. We hope top American officials delivered that message loudly and clearly when General Kayani visited Washington this week’, the Times said.
The Times points out in a report this week, The Atlantic Council warned that Pakistan’s stability is imperiled and that the time to change course is fast running out. That would be quite enough for any government to deal with. (Dawn)

Moderation, tolerance and accommodation can help overcome the present crisis. Both sides need to stand-down from their rigid perspectives. The longer they confront each other in the streets, the harder it will be to find a peaceful and mutually acceptable solution
Democracy is a delicate system of governance that can be sustained only if the political class fully subscribes to and implements its basic norms in letter and spirit. The use of violence in the name of exercising the democratic right to protest shows a lack of understanding of the spirit of democracy.
It was disappointing to watch the PMLN leadership discard the democratic framework and call upon its workers to take to the streets to voice their anger against the Supreme Court judgement that disqualified the Sharif brothers from holding public office. Perhaps the PMLN leaders think that democracy is relevant only to the extent that it facilitates the achievement of their partisan political agenda.
Political agitation and violence in the last week has perturbed even those most optimistic about the future of democracy in Pakistan. The main concern is whether this is the beginning of an unrestrained power struggle between the two major political parties that would unravel the democratic process and shift the political initiative to the military.
What are the implications of street agitation for the capacity of the government to cope with religious extremism and militancy?
Pakistan’s current transition to democracy cannot succeed without active cooperation between the PPP and the PMLN within the constitutional framework. The cordiality manifested by the leaders of these parties in the immediate aftermath of the 2008 general elections engendered the hope that both have learnt from their experiences and would not engage in a free-for-all struggle against each other.
The optimism generated by their cooperation led many to challenge those who projected a doomsday scenario for Pakistan or argued that Pakistan lacked the capacity to function within a democratic framework.
In the 1990s, the PPP and the PMLN engaged in an all out confrontation. During 1988-90, the federal government was led by PPP leader Benazir Bhutto and the Punjab provincial government was led by Nawaz Sharif. These governments declared political war and adopted various measures to destabilise each other. It was a most unfortunate confrontation that weakened civilian institutions and processes. The bitter legacy of these years overshadowed their bilateral interaction until General Pervez Musharraf knocked both leaders out of the political process in October 1999.
Now, in 2009, the PPP and the PMLN have again adopted confrontational posture. The intensity of the PMLN’s anger against the judgement of the Supreme Court has surprised most political observers. Instead of building pressure gradually, the tempo of response was raised to the highest pitch in one go.
Nawaz Sharif’s press conference on February 25 and a public address in Sheikhupura on February 26 reflected his defiant mood and determination to take on the PPP-led federal government in the streets. He minced no words in accusing President Asif Ali Zardari of securing his disqualification from the Supreme Court, which Sharif refused to acknowledge as a legitimate court. He also talked about Zardari’s alleged moneymaking practices while Benazir Bhutto was prime minister. Nawaz Sharif’s second government — 1997-1999 — instituted corruption cases against Zardari. However, no charge was substantiated in court during the next ten years. However, Nawaz Sharif played up these charges in his press conference.
It was an unusual move by Nawaz Sharif to call upon the people to take to the streets to challenge the PPP-led federal government that he held responsible for hatching a conspiracy against him and Shehbaz Sharif. He also advised civil servants not to obey the orders of the government, and endeavoured to isolate Zardari by arguing that he did not blame the PPP for the disqualification. It was Zardari’s doing, he argued.
PMLN activists came out in the streets mainly in the Punjab in a defiant mood and targeted government property, PPP posters and Benazir Bhutto’s memorial in Rawalpindi, where she was assassinated on December 27, 2007. Some of the protest marches that resulted in violence were led by PMLN parliamentarians.
The agitation is limited mainly to PMLN activists and its base in Punjab, especially in the cities that elected PMLN parliamentarians in 2008. It is weak in other provinces where the PMLN has a weak political standing.
However, if the agitation persists at the current level of intensity for another week or so, it is expected to attract ordinary people. It can also spread to other provinces and become nationwide. If agitation does not establish itself in other provinces, it will turn into a confrontation between the PPP and Punjab, which may have negative ramifications for Punjab’s relations with other provinces.
The PMLN can strengthen its position by joining the lawyers’ Long March and sit-in, which will have some political parties and societal groups in its fold. This depends on the tempo of the agitation over the next twelve days.
Another dimension of the PMLN agitation relates to the imposition of Governor’s Rule in Punjab for two months after Chief Minister Shehbaz Sharif was disqualified.
The available evidence suggests that neither the PMLN nor the PPP has the required number in the provincial assembly to elect a new chief minister. The imposition of Governor’s Rule gives enough time to both parties to woo the PMLQ for support. If the PPP musters enough members it can form its government; and Governor’s Rule will come to an end quickly. If the PPP cannot muster enough support, however, Governor’s Rule may continue for a longer period. The efforts by the Speaker of the Punjab Assembly (who belongs to the PMLN) to summon the assembly session have no legal basis. However, it is advisable to bring an end to Governor’s Rule and let the Punjab Assembly elect its leader. This will ease tensions in Punjab.
The PPP-led federal government must also share the blame for the current predicament. Its performance in the socio-economic domain has been poor and has alienated the people. It also built pressure on the Punjab government though the governor who periodically threatened to remove the provincial government. This convinced Nawaz Sharif and other PMLN leaders that President Zardari wanted to remove the Punjab government and neutralise the PMLN. Therefore, when the Supreme Court disqualified the Sharif Brothers, Nawaz Sharif was quick to blame President Zardari for the present crisis.
Time is fast running out for the PPP and the PMLN. The PMLN strategy of using its political clout in the Punjab to paralyse the federal government through violent protest will cause irreparable damage to democracy. The strategy of street agitation is expected to accentuate Pakistan’s internal and external security problems and undermine economic recovery. This strategy may create a situation where democracy suffers a major setback and both the PPP and the PMLN lose.
Moderation, tolerance and accommodation can help overcome the present crisis. Both sides need to stand-down from their rigid perspectives. The longer they confront each other in the streets, the harder it will be to find a peaceful and mutually acceptable solution. (Daily Times)
Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi is a political and defence analyst
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145 held for rioting, torching cars
Staff Report
ISLAMABAD: The capital police on Saturday arrested 145 people for rioting and damaging and torching government and private vehicles during a demonstration on Islamabad Expressway to protest the disqualification of PML-N leaders Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif by the Supreme Court.
Hundreds of people from Shahzad Town, Koral, Sihala and other villages bordering Islamabad Expressway blocked the road for several hours on Thursday and Friday to protest the disqualification of Sharif brothers.
A police official said that the protesters threw stones and broke the windowpanes of a number of vehicles. They also burnt tyres and torched seven vehicles and police pickets.
He said cases were registered against the rioters under Section 395, 341, 353, 188, 186, 427, 137, 148, and 7ATA of Pakistan Penal Code.
Meanwhile, Inspector General of Police (IGP) Syed Qalb-e-Abbas, Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Ahmad Latif and other senior officers held a meeting with the representatives of the villagers and assured them that those found innocent would be released against sureties but those found guilty would be penalized. He warned that no one would be allowed to take the law into their own hands. The IGP also ordered deployment of police along the expressway.
Five suspected rioters freed for want of evidence: Anti-Terrorism Court (ATC) No-II on Saturday discharged five suspected rioters, including two juveniles, after Shahzad Town Police, Islamabad, failed to provide incriminating evidence against them.
The police produced Muhammad Arif, Ghulam Mustafa, Muhammad Waseem, Muhammad Tufail and Badshah Rehman before the judge, Sakhi Muhammad Jan. Investigation officer (IO) Gulzar Ahmed informed the court that according to the information gleaned from 14 suspected rioters, who were already in police custody on a four-day physical remand, the police arrested those five persons for allegedly torching a fire engine on Islamabad Expressway on Feb 26 during a protest against the Supreme Court verdict in PML-N leaders Muhammad Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif case.
He said the accused also damaged public and private property and created law and order situation by blocking the main roads and pelting stones at the police. He claimed that the suspected rioters had also snatched a pistol from Sub-Inspector (SI) Muhammad Gulfaraz and sought their 14-day judicial remand.
Raising objections, the judge said that the police neither proceed against the two juveniles under the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance nor they sought the statements of eyewitnesses against them.
He said the court could grant judicial remand only when the police thoroughly investigate a case. (Daily Times)
Also read:
| Hangu kidnapping |
| Sunday, March 01, 2009 In what appears to be another act of sectarian violence in the Hangu area, which has seen over a year of conflict between tribes divided along the lines of sect, a van driver was killed and seven students abducted by armed men who ambushed the vehicle taking the pupils to their college. The incident has triggered angry public protests. It also demonstrates the failure to restore any kind of real order in the area. While tribal intervention last year brought a halt to conflict, the fact is that people across Orakzai Agency live in fear. One reason for this is the failure to back ceasefires with longer-term measures that can ensure continuing calm. These should include a ban, under relevant laws that exist on our statute books, on the incitement of hatred. In Hangu and elsewhere, the dissemination of literature promoting hatred was said to be commonplace. CDs, videos and other material also remained widely available. (The News) The deliberate attempt to build tension is fanned by the wide circulation of such material. The use of the media by extremists to build support for their cause has been extensive and has proved very effective. An effort must begin to counter it, in places like Hangu, Parachinar and Dera Ismail Khan which have a long history of violence. Scores have died in these places as a result of clashes, targeted killings and terrorist attacks. Only when there is an end to such mayhem can we hope to stop incidents such as the one that took place in Hangu and to restore the capability of people to live in peace with those who hold views different to their own. |


