Story of a 14-year-old suicide bomber brainwashed by the Friends of Taliban

It has been learnt that Taliban use the anti-Pakistan (i.e. anti-democracy, anti-Pakistan Army and anti-west) hate propaganda spread by their friends in Pakistani media (e.g., Hamid Mir, Shahid Masood, Ansar Abbasi, Javed Chaudhry and others), in order to brainwash the ill-educated and ill-informed Pakistani youth. Here is a detailed account of a 14-year-old suicide bomber by BBC correspondent Orla Guerin.

'I agreed to become a suicide bomber'

A 14-year-old boy in the tribal region of Bajaur, in north-west Pakistan, says he was detained by Taliban forces who tried to turn him into a suicide bomber. The boy is now in army hands. He provided a detailed account to BBC correspondent Orla Guerin. His story cannot be independently verified. The boy says he was beaten until he agreed to become a suicide bomber There were five people who came after me from a place in Bajaur. They tricked me. They told me they were going to behead my father. I went with them but my father wasn't there. They tied me up. They said: 'You have two choices. We will behead you, or you will become a suicide bomber.' I refused. There were two more guys of my age. They were also training to be suicide bombers. If we refused they would tie our hands behind our backs, blindfold us and start beating us. They brainwashed us and told us we would go to heaven. They said 'there will be honey and juice and God will appear in front of you. You will have a beautiful house in Heaven'. We used to ask them to let us out to pray. They would reply 'you are already on your way to heaven. You don't need to pray.' They beat me hard for five days. I wasn't given any food. While they were beating me I agreed to become a suicide bomber. They separated me from the other boys. Mosque mission They took me to a dark room and started giving me pills. I was handed over to Maulvi Fakir [the Bajaur Taliban commander]. After all this preparation they said I was to go and do the job in a mosque. Before the Taliban came we used to enjoy freedom. We used to play, and go to our schools 'Haunting' Taliban problem It was an ordinary mosque but the cleric there used to talk against the Taliban, and they declared him their enemy. They told me the cleric was a non-believer, a non-Muslim. They took off my shirt and put the jacket on my shoulders. There were two hooks on my chest. They told me that when you go there you say 'Allahu Akbar' [God is Great] and then you pull apart these two hooks. Then they took me there, showed me the mosque and went off. I was drugged and I couldn't feel anything. I only came to my senses when I arrived in the mosque. I saw the peaceful kind face of the cleric, and I saw the mosque was full of holy books. I saw the people praying. And I thought, they are all Muslims. How can I do this? I decided not to and I came out. I sat under a tree outside the mosque and waited for prayers to be over. After that I made my way back to the Taliban. Then they called me 'a son of a bitch' and asked why I had come back without doing it. I told them I could not do it because they were carrying out body searches of all the people entering the mosque. They took off my vest and handed me over to Maulvi Fakir. They tied me up but I told them to give me another chance and I would do it. They trusted me. I was roaming around with them for a couple of days. I got to the road, found transport and came home. They followed me to my house. They wanted to know if I was still there or had run somewhere else. Watch Orla Guerin's TV report from Bajaur The Taliban had beaten me so harshly my back was scarred. When my parents saw that my mother started to cry, and told me not to go back to them. My father asked them why they were after his son. One day he took his weapon and went after them. But they wanted to kill him so he came back home and closed the door. Before the Taliban came we used to enjoy freedom. We used to play, and go to our schools. There were no restrictions on us. Morning and evening we used to play games, and sit and chat with friends. We used to listen to music on our mobile phones. They banned that. They stopped us doing anything. They stopped us playing cricket and going to school. We felt like prisoners. I want to join the army because they are the defenders of the land. They are fighting for the right cause. I want to fight against the Taliban. I have no other intention except to defend my country. The Taliban should be eliminated. I want to tell the Taliban that they are cruel, and what they did to me was unjust. I can't kill innocent Muslims. I am not afraid of them. I am only afraid of God. I am answerable only to Him. Source

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Is there an Al Qaeda - NATO connection?

The al Qaeda connection?

NWFP was hit by another terrorist attack on Tuesday afternoon when a suicide bomber blew up his car in Charsadda bazaar. More than 30 people were killed and nearly 100 others injured, including several women and children. It was the third suicide bombing since Saturday in the battle-ridden province. Suicide attacks have become a routine occurrence during the past few weeks all over Pakistan, especially in NWFP. A spate of terror attacks in recent days is obviously a backlash against the military operation in South Waziristan against the militants. According to a Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) spokesman, the militants have retreated from various areas in South Waziristan as part of their war strategy and its fighters will launch a guerrilla war once the Pakistani military enters deep into all areas of South Waziristan. If the Taliban have actually managed to retreat from South Waziristan, they have either gone to North Waziristan or crossed the border into Afghanistan. When the Pakistan army was deployed for the first time since independence in FATA in 2004, the US and Pakistan agreed upon a hammer and anvil strategy whereby the US-led NATO forces were playing the role of the hammer in Afghanistan while the Pakistani forces played the role of the anvil in our tribal areas. The roles have reversed now. Successive military operations against the local Taliban have crippled their organisation, which is why they could now be crossing the border to safeguard their interests. The alarming factor is that the ‘anvil’ is nowhere to be seen as the NATO forces have vacated more than half a dozen key security checkposts on the Afghan side of the Pak-Afghan border opposite South Waziristan. In these trying times when Pakistan is in the midst of a civil war, the international community needs to come forward and help it. Instead, the NATO forces are leaving the door open for the TTP to cross over to the Afghan side without any repercussions. This would obviously undermine the military operation.

The Afghan Taliban, on the other hand, have strongly denied any association with the TTP’s campaign, strategy or tactics. Afghan Taliban commander Abdul Mannan condemned suicide bombing and termed it un-Islamic and wrong to target innocent people in blasts. He said the Afghan Taliban leaders have not crossed the border and are not hiding in Pakistan, but are targeting coalition and NATO forces from Afghan soil. With these remarks coming from the Afghan Taliban, it seems as if there is some other force helping the local Taliban and from the pattern of suicide bombings, it could well be the al Qaeda network. It is quite apparent that the TTP is getting massive funding from some source and proper training to carry out successive terror attacks all over Pakistan. The al Qaeda leadership has on a number of occasions declared war against the state of Pakistan, which makes it all the more probable that this global terror network could be supporting the TTP in its fight against the state of Pakistan.

The military is trying to eliminate the militants from the tribal region but it seems as if the country does not have enough funds for the purpose. This can be gauged from Interior Minister Rehman Malik’s statement that the government is now using development funds for the capacity building of law-enforcement agencies in a bid to improve security. If al Qaeda is actually helping the local Taliban, it is not only alarming for our country but for the whole world. Fighting the militants on this scale requires heavy-duty finances; it is time the international community, especially the US, rises to the occasion and helps Pakistan in this common cause. Peace and stability in this region, once achieved, will translate into peace all over the world. Source
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Waziristan operation: "Name the names"; and the "mullah military alliance"

Two great articles on the situation in Waziristan. The first article by Farhat Taj requests the educated people of Waziristan to give a strong rebuttal to disinformed writers in the west and in Pakistan. The second article (in Urdu) by Abdul Haye Kakar of BBC Urdu which reveals that a dangerous link between Taliban and Pakistan Army may still be in operation in that region.



Waziristan: name the names

Saturday, November 07, 2009 (The News)
Farhat Taj

The points that Ayaz Wazir (Oct 30) raised in response to my article (Oct 26) endorsed some of the arguments that I have been making in these pages -- i.e., the previous military operations in Waziristan were not targeted and the leadership of the Taliban terrorists was tacitly given safe passages to escape. The operations ended with suspicious "peace deals" with the terrorists in complete disregard to the people of Waziristan, who wished complete elimination of the Taliban. All this has been stage-managed in pursuit of foreign-policy goals in Afghanistan.

I have a comment on Ayaz Wazir's article, and an explanation. The comment is about the questions he raised. Who was responsible for the collapse of the three institutions around which the tribal system revolved? Was it done by the tribesmen themselves? Was it done by a foreign power or non-state actors within the country? Who elevated Nek Mohammad overnight to heights of popularity by entering into a deal with him? Who was threatening Waziristan's Yargulkhail tribe of dire consequences? It certainly was not the tribesmen to be blamed for the collapse of the system.

The time to pose these questions is gone. I would request the educated people of Waziristan to name those who engineered creation of the Taliban and imposed them on Waziristan. Privately, the people of Waziristan (and Pakhtuns in general) hold state elements responsible for that. Publicly, they do not speak out.

Coming to the explanation regarding my comparison between the educated people of Swat and Waziristan, the latter may not be as integrated in the state structure of Pakistan as Swat, but most educated people of Waziristan are just as integrated in the state and society of Pakistan as those of Swat. It is unlikely that lack of integration of Waziristan might have prevented them from doing what the educated people of Swat did: use of modern technological tools and interaction with the media to highlight the brutal Taliban occupation of Swat.

When the crisis started in Swat, many Swatis created blogs and constantly informed the world about Taliban atrocities in their area. Many composed poetry and songs about the human sufferings there, and put them on YouTube. Countless Swatis were in constant contact with media people and op-ed writers, including myself. They sent us information which they wished to be presented in the media. They were complete strangers. I often cross-checked their information with my sources in Swat and mostly, their information was correct. This is something that I have not seen coming from the educated people of Waziristan.

The Swatis made a world impact in a shorter time than Waziristanis: many people around the world came to know that the people of Swat were suffering Taliban atrocities. Many Swatis worked with fake names and identities, since there was no need to show bravado, given the security situation.

Because the educated people of Waziristan are silent, people around the world and in Pakistan have provided their own answers to questions like those raised by Ayaz Wazir. The answers are not only baseless but also ridiculous. Bizarre ideas have been attributed to the people of Waziristan by writers in western countries, who, in the words of a cynical Pakhtun, are engaged in "Google scholarship" to understand Waziristan. This means they Google Waziristan and write a whole book or research papers on the area. They hardly care to crosscheck their Google knowledge with the ground realities of Waziristan, an area not accessible for independent scholarly and journalistic investigation due to the security situation. The "Google scholars" hardly pay any attention to research ethics when attributing notions to people and culture of Waziristan. They could never assign such bizarre ideas to people in western countries with the same ease with which they do in the case of the people of Waziristan, because in the west research ethics applies to researchers. Who cares about research ethics when it comes to the people and culture of Waziristan.

The other group of people who spread lies about Waziristan are armchair analysts, and pro-establishment and right-wing journalists and writers in Pakistan. The lies and the Google-scholarly notions are: the tribes of Waziristan back the Taliban, actually the tribes are the Taliban, the tribes have given refuge to Al Qaeda terrorists under the tribal code of Pakhtunwali, Talibanisation in Waziristan is a reaction to US drone attacks in the area, the Taliban are Pakhtun nationalists, Talibanisation is an indigenous movement for social justice, the people of Waziristan are attacking Pakistan because the state is seen as siding with the US, the people of Waziristan are fiercely autonomous and abhor integration in a modern state structure, etc. Most books, research and news reports about Waziristan perpetuate such hilarious and baseless nations about the people and culture there.

Both Google scholars in the western countries and pro-establishment right-wingers of Pakistan have misinformed and misled the public about Waziristan in Pakistan and abroad. They both promote their careers by writing such literature and attending conferences about Waziristan and thus make money out of the sufferings of the people of this tortured land. Whose responsibility is it challenge this all? I have not seen educated people of Waziristan questioning this situation with facts of history and the current realities of the area.

The educated people of Waziristan should give a strong rebuttal to such writers in the west and in Pakistan. I wish to remind them that freedom is never given for free. One has to fight for it. They too have to fight for the freedom of their native land from not just the Taliban but also from the Google scholars and Pakistani right-wingers.


The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo, and a member of Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy. Email: bergen34@ yahoo.com

The Mullah-Military Alliance at Work in Waziristan?

فوجی آپریشن یا فوجی مشقیں؟

عبدالحئی کاکڑ

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، پشاور

طالبان اپنے زیر کنٹرول علاقوں سے ایک ایک کر کے پسپائی اختیار کر رہے ہیں

پانچ سال تک’ نو گو ایریا‘ رہنے کے بعد طالبان کے زیر کنٹرول جنوبی وزیرستان نے بالاخر اپنی یہ حیثیت گنوادی اور محض تین ہفتوں میں پاکستانی فوج نے قدرے آسانی کے ساتھ طالبان سے نوے فیصد سے زیادہ علاقہ واپس لے لیا۔

یہ سمجھا جاتا رہا تھا کہ جنوبی وزیرستان کی فوجی کاروائی اب تک ہونے والی کاروائیوں میں ہر لحاظ سے مشکل ترین ہوگی لیکن کارروائی کے آغاز کے ساتھ ہی طالبان کی ’طاقت‘ جھاگ کی طرح بیٹھتی ہوئی نظر آئی۔

اب تک ہونے والے آپریشن کے دوران مزاحمت نہ ہونے کے برابر ہے اور سکیورٹی فورسز بلا کسی رکاوٹ کے طالبان کے گڑھ سمجھے جانے والے علاقوں کی طرف کچھ اسی رفتار سے آگے بڑھ رہی ہیں جس رفتار سے کوئی انسان فطری طور پر آگے بڑھ سکتا ہے۔ بعض اوقات تو یوں لگتا ہے کہ جنوبی وزیرستان میں فوجی کاروائی نہیں بلکہ فوجی مشقیں جاری ہیں۔ایسا کیوں؟

اس کیوں کے کئی جوابات ہوسکتے ہیں۔پہلی بات تو یہ ہے کہ جنوبی وزیرستان میں فوجی کارروائی کا اعلان اس سال مئی میں ہوا تھا اور آپریشن شروع سترہ اکتوبر کو ہوا یعنی طالبان اور غیر ملکی جنگجوؤں کو تقریباً پانچ ماہ کا وقت دے دیا گیا کہ وہ یا تو بھر پور مزاحمت کے لیے تیار ہو جائیں یا پھر اپنا بوریا بستر گول کر کے کہیں اور منتقل ہوجائیں۔

طالبان نے پسپائی سے تین فائدے حاصل کیے۔ ایک تو انہوں نے اپنا اسلحہ محفوظ کر دیا دوسری اپنی افرادی قوت میں کمی نہیں آنے دی اور تیسرا یہ کہ ان کی قیادت بڑے آرام سے’کہیں اور‘ منتقل ہوگئی۔

ہوا ایسا ہی۔ اس بار تو یہ بات طے تھی حکومت کارروائی کو اپنی منطقی انجام تک پہنچائے گی لہذا شدت پسندوں کے لیے مزاحمت کی حکمت عملی خودکشی کے مترادف معلوم ہورہی تھی۔ لہذا انہوں نے علاقے خالی کرنے کی حکمت عملی کو ترجیح دی جس کے فوائد ان کی نظر میں کم جبکہ نقصانات زیادہ تھے۔ ماضی میں جنوبی وزیرستان میں جب بھی کوئی کارروائی ہوئی ہے اس وقت جنگجوؤں کے پاس’ مرو یا مارو‘ کے علاوہ کوئی اور راستہ نہیں تھا لیکن اس بار صورتحال بہت مختلف تھی۔

وزیرستان کے محسود جنگجوؤں نےگزشتہ دو سالوں میں اپنے علاقوں سے نکل کر دیگر قبائلی علاقوں میں اپنی جڑیں اتنی مضبوط کر لی ہیں کہ مصیبت کے وقت انہیں کوئی اکھاڑ کر اتنی آسانی سے زمین پر پٹخ نہیں سکتا۔ خیبر، باجوڑ، مہمند، کرم اور اورکزئی ایجنسی میں محسود طالبان نے مقامی طالبان کے ساتھ مل کر اپنی قوت میں اضافہ کیا ہے اور فیصلوں کا اختیار بھی اپنے پاس رکھا۔ فوجی کارروائی سے قبل ان پانچ مہینوں میں وزیرستان کے طالبان نے اپنے زیر کنٹرول دیگر علاقوں کی طرف اپنے اہل خانہ کو منتقل کردیا جبکہ خود جنوبی وزیرستان میں ہی رہ گئے تاکہ وقت آنے پر وہاں سے نکل سکیں۔

آپریشن کے دوران اب تک کی کارروائی کو دیکھ کر ان شکوک و شبہات کو تقویت ملتی دکھائی دیتی ہے کہ کارروائی سے قبل ہی فریقین کے درمیان ایک خفیہ مفاہمت ہوچکی تھی تاکہ فریقین ’لوز لوز‘ کی پوزیشن میں نہ رہیں اور جہاں حکومت کو طالبان کے زیر کنٹرول اپنی زمین واپس مل جائے وہیں طالبان کی افرادی قوت، تنظیمی ساخت اور اسلحہ اپنی جگہ محفوظ رہے۔

تین ہفتوں کی فوجی کارروائی میں طالبان اپنے زیر کنٹرول علاقوں سے ایک ایک کر کے پسپائی اختیار کر رہے ہیں۔ بعض مقامات پر انہوں نے علامتی مزاحمت کا مظاہرہ بھی کیا جس میں انہیں جانی نقصان بھی پہنچا مگر اتنا بھی نہیں جتنا حکومت کی طرف سے دعوی کیا جا رہا ہے۔

طالبان نے پسپائی سے تین فائدے حاصل کیے۔ ایک تو انہوں نے اپنا اسلحہ محفوظ کر دیا دوسری اپنی افرادی قوت میں کمی نہیں آنے دی اور تیسرا یہ کہ ان کی قیادت بڑے آرام سے’کہیں اور‘ منتقل ہوگئی۔ طالبان کے کمزور نہ ہونے کی ایک دلیل یہ بھی ہے کہ جنوبی وزیرستان کے نوے فیصد سے زیادہ علاقوں پر کنٹرول حاصل کرنے کے بعد بھی ملک کے دیگر بڑے شہروں پشاور، راولپنڈی اور اسلام آباد میں خودکش حملوں، بم دھماکوں اور ٹارگٹ کلنگ کا سلسلہ نہیں رکا۔

آپریشن کے دوران اب تک کی کارروائی کو دیکھ کر ان شکوک و شبہات کو تقویت ملتی دکھائی دیتی ہے کہ کارروائی سے قبل ہی فریقین کے درمیان ایک خفیہ مفاہمت ہوچکی تھی تاکہ فریقین ’لوز لوز‘ کی پوزیشن میں نہ رہیں اور جہاں حکومت کو طالبان کے زیر کنٹرول اپنی زمین واپس مل جائے وہیں طالبان کی افرادی قوت، تنظیمی ساخت اور اسلحہ اپنی جگہ محفوظ رہے

Taliban leadership survives Waziristan operation

* First phase of Waziristan operation complete
* Taliban dislodged from major strongholds, but fears of terrorists’ re-grouping persist

By Sajjad Malik

ISLAMABAD: The first phase of Operation Rah-e-Nijat in South Waziristan Agency is almost complete with the major towns cleared of the Taliban, defence sources said on Saturday, but feared that the top Taliban leadership might have survived the offensive by slipping into neighbouring regions.

The operation ended the Taliban rule in South Waziristan, where the group ran a parallel government and used the territory to launch attacks on the security forces and civilians across the country.

“Not only have their major bastions been captured but also their ammunition depots, training centres, command and control systems and hideouts have also been destroyed in the operation,” the sources said.

But the Taliban’s defeat in South Waziristan might not ensure peace in the area, as the officials believe the terrorists have only retreated to their hideouts in neighbouring tribal agencies, where they could easily regroup to launch terror more attacks across the country.

The sources also ruled out an immediate operation in North Waziristan, saying the government had an agreement with the militants in the north, which was still intact.

The sources also warned that the Taliban might return after the winter to launch guerrilla warfare and terrorise the people, as the Taliban leadership had apparently survived the onslaught by moving out of the area.

The sources said the military offensive was not a permanent solution, as the army could only ensure ground clearance, not peace.

“For peace, the government should invest in developing the Tribal Areas,” they said.

They said the government would have to take the local people into confidence and reach an “understanding” with the Taliban to ensure long-term peace. (Daily Times)



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Pampering the mullah

Friday, November 06, 2009

Talat Farooq

After the government crackdown on certain madrassas in Islamabad recently, the representatives of the Wafaq-ul-Madaris aired their indignation on TV channels. They criticised the action on the grounds that madrassas have always been weapon/terror-free -- including, if you please, the Lal Masjid -- and, as such, cannot be held responsible for any anti-state activities The went on to add thatif the government officials wish to visit any of the premises, they must do so with the permission of Wafaq-ul-Madaris. In answer to such defiant outbursts, the interior minister meekly assured the Wafaq that the government never meant to violate the sanctity of these great places of learning and knowledge, and is only looking for some foreign Imams residing in some madressahs illegally. One fails to understand why the government has to be apologetic in carrying out such actions against any institution in Pakistan if it has reports of illegal activity there, especially when we are in a state of war. Madressahs, even if registered, are not sacrosanct or above the law. Unfortunately, it is this obsequiousness of our rulers toward the mullah since the creation of Pakistan that has emboldened the extremists over the last six decades.


The Muslim struggle for Pakistan did not include the Deoband or the Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Hind who opposed the idea of Pakistan tooth and nail. Nonetheless, once Pakistan became a reality the Wahabi-Deobandi groups made gradual inroads as our leaders acquiesced to their demands within a few years of independence. Since then their influence has remained unchecked by the state as it focused on short-term political goals, it is therefore not surprising that they have eventually assumed the mantle of our self-proclaimed saviours and architects of the national identity of Pakistan.

Be it the Objectives Resolution or the timing of the Anti-Ahmadiyya movement in the 50s that facilitated the first martial law; the ban on alcohol and declaration of Friday as a weekly holiday by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Naseerullah Babar's Taliban idea during Benazir's government, or Nawaz Sharif's Shariah Bill of the 90s, staying on the right side of Maulana Fazl ur Rahman by successive governments or the on-going pampering of Wafaq-ul-Madaris by the incumbent administration, the political players of Pakistan have always put their own narrow interests before the interests of the nation.

The military dictatorships on the other hand have used the mullah to further their own specific interests. From Ayub Khan to Musharraf, all military regimes have sought the cooperation of one religious sect or the other. Zia in particular played the mullah card to promote American interests and Arab culture simultaneously, destroying national institutions in the process while Musharraf's post-9/11 two-faced strategy ensured the continuity of extremism. Jointly, the politicians and the military dictators, with help from America and Saudi Arabia, have managed to create a monster that feeds on violence and bloodshed.

The religious clerics, whether Muslim or non Muslim, derive their political power from exploiting the insecurities of the masses by focusing on differences in religious and socio-cultural beliefs, thus leading to social divisions. In a multi-ethnic Pakistani society with a sizeable non-Muslim population, this has spelled disaster. Over the last three decades, the Deobandi/Wahabi mindset has transmuted ideological divisions into militant sectarianism that has been duly exploited by the Taliban and their domestic sympathisers that include mainstream religious-political parties.

Muslim states like Turkey, in keeping with the Ottoman tradition, have managed to keep their clerics under state control to ensure social order. In Pakistan, they have been given a free hand; what we are witnessing today in the shape of violence is the dark side of religiosity infused by religious extremists into the psyche of both the uneducated masses and the unsuspecting educated elite. This has transpired due to the manipulation of religious sentiments by vested interests and festering socio-economic and governance issues all rolled into one. But above all, this is due to the deliberate omission of critical thinking skills and philosophical knowledge from the national curricula, thus rendering a large majority of Pakistani population incapable of objective assessment. This omission is largely attributable to the direct or indirect influence of the mullah especially during and after the Zia era.

Today the same extremist elements continue to spread their hatred of one another as well as propagate against Pakistan's national interests by promoting conspiracy theories and blind anti-Americanism from the pulpit. And while doing so, they fail to mention the negative influence of certain policies of the Saudi government toward Pakistan. The anti-American and anti-government slogans after the Islamic University bombing would have sounded more genuine had they been accompanied with anti-Taliban slogans. Pakistan will never become a self-respecting nation unless it disengages itself from not only American shackles but also the ones imported from Saudi Arabia. This requires a mature political leadership that believes in impartial analyses and practical strategies, not to mention courage and wisdom.

The Waziristan operation is in full swing and if the religious parties cannot support it for fear of life, they can at least remain quiet. By stoking the fire of anti-Americanism to garner support for the Taliban through ill-timed rallies and referendums, they are doing no service to Pakistan. The nation is being driven into a frenzy that can only spread more intolerance and spawn fear and anxiety. Furthermore, it serves as a diversion because it deflects people's attention from the real issue of good governance and allows religious and secular leaders, whether in the government or opposition or outside the parliament, to play their petty games without having to shoulder the required responsibilities to steer the country out of the present quagmire.

Religion is a strong social phenomenon and has been employed by many in human history to serve political ends. Muslim history is no exception. The mullahs of Pakistan have employed the same dispensation since 1947 to gain political power. This has eventually led to the rise of a ferocious militant element never known in Muslim history. Not even the Hashashins of Hassan Sabah killed with such merry abandon. It is high time for the state to check the spread of unbridled hatred. It is time to stop pampering the mullah.

The writer is executive editor of Criterion, Islamabad.
Email: talatfarooq11@gmail.com (The News)

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Frankenstein’s Monster and General Zia-ul-Haq's jihadis

This site has moved to http://criticalppp.com/archives/1562, click this link if you are not redirected
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Imperatives of the Waziristan operation

Monday, October 26, 2009 Farhat Taj This is primarily in response to Roedad Khan’s piece of Oct 21 titled “Forgotten lessons of history.” Mr Khan has misrepresented the history and current realities of Waziristan. True, there was a resistance movement in Waziristan against the British army in the past but surely the Pakistan army right now is not a colonial army trying to occupy Waziristan. The relationship between Pakistan and the Waziristan tribes is different from what it was with the British: the tribes now accept the reality that the region is an integral part of Pakistan. In fact, that it has been their constant complaint for the past several decades that they wanted greater integration into the mainstream so as to benefit from increased socio-economic development. I would go as far to suggest that it is only the mostly-Islamabad-based armchair analysts who are questioning the ongoing military operation in Waziristan because, by and large, the people of the region understand that there is a real danger to them and to the country from the Taliban and Al Qaeda. What they also say is that till now the state had not been serious in standing up to the extremists which have gained a solid foothold in the region and in that regard the operation is seen to bring some element of hope. As far as the displacement of the people of the two agencies is concerned, that began well before the current military operation. While no definitive statistics are available to indicate any definitive conclusion on the issue, there is enough anecdotal evidence to strongly suggest that many of the financially better-off people of the region had already migrated from their homes some time back. Most of the people who are moving now – or who have moved in the recent past – are those who did not have the means to have migrated earlier. Many of those who left in the past did so because of the barbarism of the Taliban and their allies in Al Qaeda and the inability of the state to protect their lives and properties. Those who are moving now, in the wake of the ongoing military operation, lived a life of pure survival where they did not oppose – for obvious reasons – the extremists who had gained control over the region. Some armchair intellectuals and analysts propagate the view that the militants and extremists are a kind of a tribal resistance to the Pakistan army, which they see as now fighting America’s war. Nothing can be farther from the truth. For the record, the Taliban and Al Qaeda have never claimed to represent tribal society or stand up for Pakhtun nationalism. Their aim to further a global ideology which in their view should transcend all geographical borders and ethnicities – and that explains why those inclined towards this kind of worldview have come to Waziristan for training from all over the world. No wonder one finds, apart from the indigenous Pakhtuns of course, Arabs, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Africans, Punjabis and even people from European countries in Waziristan. And this is not because the people of Waziristan love them but because the state of Pakistan had till now surrendered its writ in the area. The militants have waged a war against the two most important pillars of tribal society: the jirga or tribal council and the lashkar, or a tribal volunteer army. Hundreds of tribal elders have been target-killed and tribal society has ceased to function in Waziristan. Now, moving on to another point raised by Roedad Khan, in his article, which was to compare the Faqir of Ipi with the Taliban leadership based in Waziristan. This is akin to an insult to the Faqir because, unlike the Taliban commanders, he was fighting for the land and for the people of Waziristan – and he was fighting a colonial power. He did not make grand claims in terms of spreading a religious ideology globally and he never killed or targeted any local people. He never banned the tribal jirga – rather, his struggle was endorsed by the jirgas. Also, he never banned music, dance or any other local custom. Furthermore, he and his men never attacked women and children and did not do anything to places of worship. Resistance to colonial rule is just one aspect of the history of Waziristan. The other aspect is that there was a working relationship with the British masters for much of the time, and that should not be difficult to understand. Society in the region is like any other and so it responds differently to different circumstances. Many sub-tribes of Waziristan entered into smooth working relationship with the British after the they established colonial rule over the area through the office of political agent. What is somewhat surprising about the occupation of Waziristan by militants and extremists is perhaps the silence of the educated people of the area. The educated from the Wazir, Mehsud, Dawar and Bhittani tribes are all well-integrated into the state structure and hold high-ranking positions both in civil and military bureaucracy of Pakistan, but one hasn’t come across too many of them speaking up for their land. This is remarkably dissimilar to what happened in the case of Swat where the arrival of the Taliban and their eventual control of the valley resulted in a national outpouring of protest and resentment from many Swatis. To a greater extent, Swat is now free of Taliban control. The educated people of Swat, both in Pakistan and abroad, share a credit for that. Every educated Swati did whatever he or she could to inform the world about the Taliban atrocities in their hometown. I wonder why the educated people of Waziristan have been silent for years. What good is their education for? By keeping silent they are behaving like enemies of Waziristan rather than brave sons and daughters of the land. It is true that the educated families of Waziristan have also suffered due to the target killing in the area. But that does not mean they resign themselves to the adverse circumstances. They must now stand up and make alliances with like minded people all over Pakistan to stop the military from engaging in any more dubious peace deals with the terrorists and make sure that the operation Rah-e-Nijat is taken to its logical end—the complete elimination of the terrorists. There are Pakistani and foreign terrorists in Waziristan running an Islamist Emirate there. The Pakistanis are mostly Pakhtun and Punjabis. The army must treat them as dangerous criminals. The foreigners are stateless Uzbeks, Arabs, Africans, Afghans, Chechens, Tajiks and even Muslim immigrants from Europe. If deported, they would mostly likely be killed in many of their countries of origin. Waziristan is the only place in the world where they could freely rule. They are not going to surrender their rule easily. For them it is do or die. They will give a very tough fight to the army. But the army must keep fighting them, no matter what, because the alternative is disaster. The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo, and a member of Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy. Email: bergen34@yahoo.com (The News) .... Support for the troops By Huma Yusuf Monday, 26 Oct, 2009 Troops patrol in Mingora.— Photo from AFP/File RECENTLY, I was standing in the immigration line atAtlanta’s international airport along with dozens of arrivals to the US from South Asia, Africa and the Middle East. Nearby, Americans were also lining up to re-enter their country. While we waited, a flight carrying International Security Assistance Force (based in Afghanistan) troops set down. With no need to clear immigration, the troops, in army fatigues and carrying backpacks, walked through the arrivals hall in sporadic batches. As each group passed the line of foreigners, they were met by deathly silence, piercing stares, rolling eyes or deep sighs. As they reached the Americans, though, there was an explosion of cheers, applause and hooting. Throughout my recent trip to the US, I was reminded of that country’s unwavering backing of its armed forces. Walk into Starbucks, and you’ll be asked if you want to donate instant coffee to the troops this morning. Get on a bus, and the man across from you will be sporting an ‘I support the troops in Afghanistan’ button. Pick up a women’s magazine, and the ‘guy of the month’ will be a serving officer. And this in a country where, according to a recent Gallup/USA Today poll, 45 per cent of the population does not favour a troop surge in Afghanistan. Here, in Pakistan, a similar outpouring of support for our army is made impossible by that institution’s longstanding entanglement with civilian politics. Writing on these pages, Shandana Khan Mohmand rightfully asked, ‘why, after all these years, are we not able to differentiate between the army’s rightful role as defenders of Pakistanis, and its wrongful role as a political force?’ In this moment, however, it’s essential that Pakistanis learn to see the difference. In the wake of the GHQ attack, troop morale must have been compromised. In Waziristan, the jawans are ill-equipped, dealing with stiff resistance from Uzbek and TTP fighters, and toiling under the knowledge that their 3:1 ratio against the area’s militants is probably not enough to decisively win this battle. They have been described as American mercenaries and are being held responsible for the mass displacement of thousands of people. Their deaths — like those of the militants they’re battling — are becoming statistics. It also doesn’t help that recent setbacks in Swat — after what was described as a victory over the Taliban — have clarified that there’s no such thing as a conclusive victory when it comes to counterterrorism operations. And days into the Rah-i-Nijat push, the thought of a new frontline emerging in Punjab has to be an exhausting proposition. Under these circumstances, the army, in its role as the defender of Pakistanis, should be backed by nationwide support. Before the Waziristan operation was launched, the political leadership expressed its support of the army. Talking heads on television acknowledge that we are relying on the army to ‘save’ us. And last week, traders in Rawalpindi brandished banners supporting the army. But don’t the foot soldiers deserve more? Ironically, Pakistan’s failure to stand by its troops in a time of war is a direct consequence of the army’s omnipresence as a political force. Any support the public has recently expressed for the army has been in its political capacity; this, in turn, has negated the public’s backing of the army in its current role as the nation’s defender. Consider the ongoing brouhaha surrounding the Kerry-Lugar act. Though widely read as a symptom of endemic anti-Americanism, opposition to the act was also a demonstration of regard for the army as a political institution that need not be checked by the civilian government. Instead of bolstering public and official support for the army during Rah-i-Nijat, campaigns against the act have heightened tensions between the government and army, and forced civil society to dwell on the army’s many undemocratic indiscretions at a time when we should be grateful for their sacrifices in the battlefield. Similarly, Interior Minister Rehman Malik’s recent comment about terror attacks being orchestrated by India toes the army’s political line, but does the troops on the ground a disservice. Knee-jerk, anti-India rhetoric is the hallmark of Pakistan’s military-dominated foreign policy. But it also muddies the waters with regard to the Waziristan offensive. If the public is to believe that India is responsible for this country’s predicament, then the ongoing operation seems misguided — an example of kowtowing to American demands while real trouble brews on the eastern border. Headlining India also confuses the public perception of the army’s real intentions inWaziristan. After all, some might wonder, if India is the real threat, why should the army fully eradicate the strategic assets it has been cultivating all these years. The fallout of such politicking is less support — in both figurative and real terms — for our troops at the frontlines. For example, Maulvi Sher Mohammad, the founder of an anti-Taliban Mehsud militia, recently refused to fight alongside the army in Waziristan, claiming that he did not fully trust the military’s motives. As attacks become more audacious, Pakistanis need to stand by the troops confronting the militants head on. One of the first ways to do this is by not raising objections to the newUS defence bill, which will provide $2.3bn in the coming fiscal year. The bill requires that this money be monitored, but that’s not always a bad thing. At the moment, the US is holding back important equipment, such as helicopters and satellite phone jamming equipment, needed to fight militants because of the Pakistan Army’s past financial lapses and history of turning a blind eye to Taliban attacks against UStroops (a consequence of its political stance). If confident that the army is committed to countering terrorism, the US will share equipment and intelligence with Pakistan. Such resources will help the army better defend this country, and reposition Pakistan as a partner — not a client state — in the war against terror. huma.yusuf@gmail.com (Dawn)

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7 Months, 10 Days in Taliban's Captivity: Story of David Rohde

Here is a five-part series offering a first-person account by David Rohde of his seven months as a captive of the Taliban in Pakistan. Mr. Rohde, a New York Times reporter, was kidnapped with two Afghan colleagues on Nov. 10, 2008, as they traveled to an interview with a Taliban commander outside of Kabul, Afghanistan.

The articles are based on Mr. Rohde’s recollections and, where possible, records kept by his family and colleagues. For safety reasons, certain names and details have been withheld.

7 Months, 10 Days in Captivity

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/18/world/asia/18hostage.html

Inside the Islamic Emirate

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/19/world/asia/19hostage.html

‘You Have Atomic Bombs, but We Have Suicide Bombers.’

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/20/world/asia/20hostage.html

A Drone Strike and Dwindling Hope

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/21/world/asia/21hostage.html

A Rope and a Prayer

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/22/world/asia/22hostage.html

Epilogue

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/22/world/asia/22epilogue.html

A comment:

By humayun, vancouver, Washington, October 22nd, 2009

Several hundred comments – covering the entire spectrum from appreciative to trivial – have been made on Mr. Rohde’s series. The large number of comments shows the high degree of interest in understanding and defeating the Taliban. Personally, I greatly admire this remarkable and brave first-person account of a very rare event. I am glad Mr. Rohde, that you are safe with your wife, family, and friends.

Mr. Rohde’s observations and interactions with his captors are truly enlightening. It help understand the actual workings of the terrorists’ mind. This remarkable series show that the Taliban have well established infrastructure, communication and support networks that effectively fulfill their needs and are carried out in full view of the Pakistani army. This is contrary to the media’s image portraying them as bands of thugs that can be taken out by the Pakistani army. One of the more remarkable observations in the series describes how the terrorists motivate, recruit and retain dedicated foot soldiers. This is essential for any effective strategy to defeat this highly motivated and vicious enemy.

What stands out from Mr. Rohde’s observations is the obvious brain washing and continued isolation of the Taliban from the rest of the world. The frequent exposure of his captors to the propaganda videos, outright rejection of alternate ideas in spite of access to the Internet and satellite phones, condemnation of non-Muslims who are considered unclean, concepts of apostasy, etc. – all justified as part of the Islamic faith – should serve as eye openers for us all. Sadly, the terrorists and radicals propagate convoluted and wrong concepts of jihad and sharia based on selective and misrepresented reading of Qur’an – the Islamic scripture. Unfortunately, their misrepresentations are accepted by the Muslim world who, while rejecting specific acts of terror against Muslims, sympathizes with the Taliban when their atrocities are directed towards non-Muslims. This sympathy generates support amongst the “regular folks’ who have a higher propensity towards becoming radicalized.

Any successful strategy to defeat the Taliban must aim at breaking the unholy link between the Islamic scripture and the terrorists’ flawed concepts. This must come from the Muslims themselves who have allowed the political clergy to propagate such views unchallenged. I view these as the most important lessons from Mr. Rohde’s series.

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