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Showing posts with label Pakistan Army. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pakistan Army. Show all posts

Sunday, 29 November 2009

A CJ greeted in Karachi and the events of 12 May 2007




A CJ greeted in Karachi
Guest post by Aal e Hashmat Malik


Just recently, in the last week of November 2009, the Provincial Home Minister of Sindh, Mr Zulfiqar Mirza, announced in a press meeting that his PPP government would launch an inquiry into the events of 12th May 2007 and would like to unveil the real faces behind that utter cruelty.

Let us turn to another page of our forgotten history ……when chaos had gripped the streets ofKarachi on that day. The day when Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, the then suspended Chief Justice, had landed at Karachi Jinnah International Airport for onward move to Sindh High Court premises to address the Karachi Bar Council. Karachi had witnessed ‘orchestrated mayhem’ wherein about 46 lives were lost, and about 150 were injured, threatening a complete breakdown of law and order in Pakistan's largest and most volatile city.

Referring to UK’s daily The Telegraph’s ‘Pakistan on brink of disaster as Karachi burns’ appearing on 13th May 2007:

‘Karachi With plumes of black smoke billowing over the city of 12 million people, there were extraordinary scenes as gunmen on motorbikes pumped bullets into crowds demonstrating against …………., while police stood by and watched. Bloodstained corpses lay where they had fallen in the streets and bodies piled up in hospital morgues. As the sense of crisis deepened, the military general resolved to send in Pakistan rangers (paramilitary troops) to restore order, and to place the army on standby.

Yesterday's violence erupted as 15,000 police and security forces deployed in the city stood idly by as armed activists from Karachi's ruling party, Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), a coalition ally of Gen Musharraf, blocked Mr Chaudhry's exit from the airport and took control of the city's central district.’,

It was a factual belief that Gen Musharraf had hoped to create a compliant judiciary ahead of elections which he had promised to hold later that year. But what started as a political confrontation then brought up on surface the Karachi's tinderbox of ethnic rivalry.

Referring again to the above quoted article of ‘The Telegraph’;

‘Inside Mr(Justice)Chaudhry's intended destination, Sind's high court, hundreds of lawyers, some of them bloodied after being beaten up by MQM supporters, milled about chanting slogans and receiving news on their mobile phones about the trouble engulfing them. Outside, MQM activists with pistols tucked into their jeans, blocked the entrance.’

The intelligentsia kept a view that Gen Musharraf had purposefully allowed conflicting rallies to go ahead to create the requisite level of disorder to justify the declaration of an emergency or Martial law. The prelude to violence was familiar to Karachi, where hundreds of people were killed in ethnic violence in the 1990s but first time in Pakistan live television cameras captured the situation for viewers to see government tankers used to block off routes to the airport, police and rangers conspicuous by their absence or standing idle as armed men ran amok on the streets of Karachi, corpses and wounded bodies lying by the wayside in pools of blood.

The security plans chalked out for that day were abandoned overnight. The Sindh home department withdrew the weapons of most law enforcement personnel in Karachi. Armed only with batons, the 15,000 policemen deployed in the city avoided the violent areas. Rangers who were to hold key positions on the ‘flyovers’ on the main airport road were nowhere in sight. Instead, armed men in civilian clothes held those posts, and fired into the crowds trying to reach the airport to receive the Chief Justice stranded inside.

Over at the Sindh High Court, as a lawyer Ayesha Tammy Haq witnessed, at about 5 PM the things were getting worse. Judges were not leaving the premises as there would be a rampage. City courts were being attacked. The lawyers were expecting to have army rule in Karachi. Later it transpired that:

‘…. it was a part of “the political activity” of a political party attempting to show its strength to its constituency and of course a loyalty show to see and feel by Gen Musharraf too.’

‘Not only was the Sindh High Court under virtual siege by armed activists, but lawyers attempting enter the Court were repeatedly beaten and roughed up. The armed activists did not even spare the Judges of the High Court. One judge was held at gun point and his car damaged. “While holding me at gun point, the youth called someone and stated ‘Yeh bolta hai kay High Court ka judge hai...kya karun is ka?...achaa theek hai, phir janay daita houn.’ (He says he’s a judge of the High Court. What should I do with him? Ok then, will let him go).” Many judges, unable to drive to the Sindh High Court, had to leave their official ’flag’ cars and make their way through menacing crowds and climb over the court’s back wall in order to reach their chambers.’
(Ref: an interview with Talat Hussain, Aaj TV, 18th May 2007)

[Munir A. Malik and his fellow 24 lawyers accompanying Justice Choudhry from Islamabad to Karachi were forced to remain inside the airport. The Sindh government representatives offered to transport the Chief Justice by helicopter but this offer was for him alone. Since the lawyers with him had already foiled the attempts of ‘two uniformed officers’ to ‘snatch the CJP and take him from the other side,’ he refused.]
(‘Story at the airport’, The News,20th May, 2007)

Armed men attacked lawyers at Malir District Bar, Justice Choudhry’s scheduled first stop in Karachi, killing a lawyer and injuring several others, including female lawyers. Justice Choudhry and his team, of course, were ‘externed’ to Islamabad after arguing and struggling for several hours at the airport. Late that night, residents in the low-income Ranchore Lines mohalla were awakened by loud banging on their doors. One resident narrated that it was two young boys distributing freshly cooked biryani and suji in plastic bags: “Yeh chief justice ki wapsi ki khushi mein hai” (This is to celebrate the Chief Justice’s return [to Islamabad]).

Another account can be seen here:

On the Karachi streets, Uzi’s press card had saved her again at around 05:00 p.m. as she and a colleague tried to reach the Rangers Headquarters in Dawood College. “A car chockfull of ammunition passed in front of us, stopped, backed up and stopped in front of us, Kalashnikovs pointing at the two of us from the windows. We showed our press cards and the car moved on. NEVER in my LIFE have I felt more grateful to my press card than I did yesterday.”

At around 06:00 p.m., she and her colleague were trapped by gunshots all around. “Short of climbing the walls and entering one of the houses around, there really was no other place for us to go.” They stopped a police mobile and asked which way would be safe to go. The answer, accompanied by laughter: “You can be killed wherever you go. Choose your place.”

(Ref: Eyewitness: Karachi 12th May 2007 by Beena Sarwar published in www.Chowk.comdated 30th May 2007)
In published reports, journalists prudently avoided naming the parties involved.
‘Young men toting flags and banners had set up camp outside the airport departure lounge. They hid, however, when policemen came by. Reporters in the vicinity were asked whether they had seen any political activists around. Munawar Pirzada (from Daily Times) said that he had seen some nearby. After the policemen had left, the activists came up to the reporter, dragged him by the hair and took him aside. They then proceeded to threaten him with dire consequences if he said anything the next time the policemen came around.’
(by Urooj Zia in Daily Times, 14th May 2007).

But the affiliation of these gangs was visible in the live coverage provided by several private television channels, which showed plainclothes men brandishing weapons on the deserted roads, using government tankers as cover, exchanging gunfire with unseen opponents, the tri-colour MQM flag visible on their motorcycles.

After Aaj TV’s continuous live coverage of such scenes, armed men attacked the television station, firing at it for several hours. Instead of stopping the coverage, Aaj showed live footage of reporters ducking behind a desk, shots being fired at their office, as anchor Talat Hussain provided an account of the situation on phone. Reporters in the area asked the Rangers posted nearby to help the Aaj workers trapped inside their building. The answer: ‘We’re helpless. We can’t do anything unless we have orders from above.’

Another eye-opening narration:
‘The local media received a call from a hospital, apparently sent by a doctor who had been at work for several hours attending to multiple gunshot wounded victims in his hospital lobby, where a makeshift emergency room had been set up. Nothing but he told: ‘struck down my soul more than what nine fully armed workers of a ‘local political party’ along with 2 sector office bearers did. They tried to drag out a wounded and dying body of a ‘poor politico-religeous worker’ (whose identity they later learnt) for presumably finishing him off.’ The protesting doctors were slapped around and dragged by their legs to the back of the gurney alley. With shotguns, pistols and ak-47’s in hand, the men ran back to the lobby presumably to find their target again.

The doctor ran out to the rangers and police near the hospital front gate. Their answer to his appeal: ‘Jaante ho inn logon ko phir bhi kyon larte ho…hamain upar se order hai ke inn ko char baje tak karne do jo karna hai. Char baje ke baad kuch dekhainge’ (When you know who these people are why do you still fight them … we have orders from above to let them do whatever they want until 4pm. After 4pm we will see).

As a previous party supporter, the doctor had recognized some of the assailants and called a friend related to their deputy leader Farooq Sattar. Five minutes later the men received a phone call and left, threatening the doctors (and stealing one of their cell phones, “Chikna set hai” -- it’s a cool set). “The guy they had come looking for had been shot one more time in the head. The o.t dress we had dressed him in 10 mins earlier was freshly bloody.’
(Ref: www.karachi.metblogs.com/archives/2007)

There was a story behind each of those who were killed, some belonging to one or other political party, and others just because they were there. Masked men stopped ambulances and sprayed them with bullets, killing an Edhi Ambulance driver, Faizur Rahman Khan, 65, when he refused to throw out a wounded person he was transporting to hospital from near the airport; the wounded man was also shot again. Armed gangs herded passers-by into an alley and shot dead a young overlock machine operator along with another man, in front of two colleagues who were also shot but survived to tell the television source.

As per written facts in ‘They shot us one by one...’ by Munawar Pirzada in dailytimes.com.pk, there have been reports about an SHO who guided a procession into an ambush and a pregnant woman who had to deliver her baby in the car when armed men refused to let her proceed to the hospital with her husband. The Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF) reported that several journalists were manhandled and nine wounded. Some TV cameramen were beaten and their cameras snatched or damaged.

Zaffar Abbas was correct when he wrote that Karachi was only at peace for the past many years because it suited its militants; and ‘Finger pointing’ is necessary, because throughout our history, instead of a catharsis, we simply go through a ‘jo ho gaya ab bhool jaao, aagay daikho’ (forget what has happened) attitude. Already, with the President’s pat on the back at the emergency meeting of the ruling party in Islamabad (on Monday) the MQM is back on the front foot…

Although it is unlikely that the perpetrators of Saturday’s violence will ever be brought to justice, at least they should continue to be exposed before the entire country. More importantly, they should face the consequence of such exposure. Public image is very important to the MQM and the national outrage at their conduct may be the best prospect of compelling them to change their ways’.

(Ref: ’Back to the future?’ Published in Daily Dawn of 14th May 2007)

Later Gen Musharraf was in the Chief Minister House Karachi to review the law and order situation following 12th May carnage. At this occasion a Provincial Minister Irfanullah Marwat (from Pakhtun Community) asked Gen Musharraf to order an inquiry into who had opened fire, arrest the culprits and take action against the elements responsible. The minister stressed the people would not be satisfied till the arrest of the elements responsible and strong action against them. The Pakhtun Action Committee Chief Shahi Syed stated on the occasion that all it was due to Adviser to the CM on Home Affairs Waseem Akhtar.

Gen Musharraf heard it and that’s all; military people find it hard to say sorry.

Coming back to our original, Mr Z Mirza, the Sindh Home Minister, was probably pointing out towards this core issue on the basis of his personal knowledge being a staunch political worker of the PPP and may be depending upon the reports of western press as quoted above. Being a Home Minister he had definitely got access to the secret ‘Special Branch’ reports of the Sindh police and floated his wish of conducting this enquiry at such belated stage so vigorously and in a robust manner.

Whether MQM was involved in that whole scenario or not because still it is a subject of detailed enquiry based on solid evidence but one thing is clear that the master mind behind that episode was Gen Musharraf himself, who had claimed those killings as ‘his success and show of power’ in an open jalsa held, organized and patronized by ML(Q) at
Islamabad on the same evening of 12th May 2007.

Would somebody from judiciary or executive dare to hold Gen Musharraf accountable on this issue, too.

(Aal e Hashmat)
Aalehashmat@Hotmail.com

Read more...

Friday, 27 November 2009

PML-N's fact sheet on corrupion of our saviours in Pakistan Army

Here is an account of the first three years of corruption by General Musharraf and his cronies in Pakistan Army (1999-2002) documented by PML-N. It may be noted that the level of corruption by the military and civil establishment in Pakistan was much higher in the subsequent 6 years, 2002-2007. Source

In the words Aal-e-Hashmat, there are certain innocent questions which beg answers :

· Why the flag-bearers of NRO scenario are blind towards this aspect of institutionalized corruption in Pakistan.

· Why only politicians and bureaucrats should be punished under NAB ordinance and not the army officials.

· Why the Parliament never thought of causing an amendment in the Army Act if the Generals cannot be investigated by NAB and cannot be tried in ordinary courts.

· Have any President of Pakistan, being Supreme Commander of forces, ever bothered to gather the statistics of inquiries or court martials conducted in connection with corrupt army officers and their organizations.

· Have the Supreme Court of Pakistan ever thought of initiating a suo moto action over any financial scam involving army generals.

· Have any Bar Association ever thought of moving a petition before the Supreme Court to bring corrupt army generals in the ambit of ‘equal citizenship’ given in the Constitution of Pakistan.

· Have any prominent anchor of media like Kashif Abbassi, Hamid Mir, Dr Shahid, Mazhar Abbas and Talat Hussain ever tried to float an opinion inviting discussions and comments of intelligentsia over the issue that if politicians and bureaucrats are being dragged in the streets of public consent then the generals should also be treated at par.

Let us hope that the Supreme Court steps forward to provide justice on the basis of equal basic rights for all and no citizen of Pakistan or institution be declared as ‘sacred cow’ now.


FACT SHEET

Track Record of Musharraf Regime

Released by Muhammad Siddique-ul-Farooque Central Information Secretary

Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) at a press conference on Sunday , October 06,2002.

The government of General Pervez Musharraf, which forced its way into power on October 12, 1999, has completed the tenure allowed to it by the Supreme Court under the controversial Rule of Necessity. It is time that the people of Pakistan take stock of the three-years performance of this regime, and decide through ballot whether they would like their elected government to continue the policies and mode of government introduced and practiced by the military rulers, or they want a government more open, more competent, more efficient, more sincere, more answerable and more responsive to the needs and aspirations of the nation.

CORRUPTION

One of the reasons, belatedly stated by General Musharraf for his capture of power, was that he wanted the country rid of corruption. In fact, his move was designed to provide protection to the most corrupt element in Pakistan -- the top brass of the armed forces. Out of the 135 billion rupees of defense budget, about one third of the amount, or 45 billion rupees are normally spent on purchase of weapons and equipment. And, as this fact sheet would show, an estimated amount of 31.64 billion went into the pockets of corrupt generals and other senior officers.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, fully aware of this situation, had decided to eliminate this corruption. For the first time in Pakistan’s history, he dismissed Admiral Mansurul Haq for receiving illegal gratification in the submarine deal. The Prime Minister had decided to arrest the admiral and recover the amount that he had looted, but his colleagues in the military urged the Prime Minister to limit the action against Mansurul Haq to mere forced retirement in order, what they called, to protect the image of the institution, and then the same friends helped Mansurul Haq to flee abroad.

However, the corrupt generals, feeling the sword of accountability dangling over their heads, planned removal of the elected government, and then launched a campaign to malign politicians and the political institutions. The objective was to keep public attention away from their own misdeeds. General Pervez Musharraf made it clear on the out set that that the National Accountability Bureau, headed by a serving general, would not probe into alleged corruption of the military and the judiciary. Later, publication by courageous pressmen of revealing reports about massive bribes, commissions kick-backs in armament purchase deals, and projects handles by the Army Welfare Trust, Shaheen Foundation, Defense Housing Authority etc. forced the regime to take token action against Admiral (retd.) Mansurul Haq, who was let off after recovery of a meager amount of 750 million rupees out of his huge ill-gotten assets worth $100 million, i.e. 6 billion rupees.

The fact remains that corruption is deep rooted among the higher ranks of the armed forces and the institutions under military control, and the regime blatantly refuses to check it. NAB Prosecutor-General Raja Muhammad Bashir categorically stated on August 6, 2002 that the NAB law would not be invoked in any way against the members of the armed forces. The military spokesmen have been arguing that the armed forces had their own internal system of accountability. As a matter of fact, that system is a fraud. A large number of cases can be cited to prove that culprits awarded heavy sentences by the military courts were freed by the high command after a few weeks of imprisonment. Commodore Shahid’s case is one example. He was sentenced to 7 years of hard labor, but was freed after he spent six weeks of imprisonment at his home!

1. Land Grabbing: The colonial tradition of land grabbing by military officers continued unabated during the past three years.

a) 111 armed forces men have allotted to themselves at least 400 or more kanals each of prime land in Bahawalpur and Rahimyar Khan districts, heart of Punjab, "to defend it from the enemy," at the throw away rate of Rs 47.5 per kanal, while the real price in those areas ranges 15,000 to 20,000 rupees per kanal. Thus 35,000 kanals of land were distributed among 111 military men in one case alone. Theypaid 1,662,500 rupees at the nominal rate of 47.5 rupees per kanal, while the real price comes to 700 million rupees. The list includes the names of:

· General Pervez Musharraf, Current President, 400 kanals in Nouabad village, Yazman, Bahawalpur.

· General Moinuddin Haider, Current Interior Minister, 400 kanals in Chak DB/43.

· General Aziz, Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, 400 kanals in Chak DB/44.

· Lt. General Khalid Maqbool (Current Governor Punjab), 400 kanals in Chak 54/p.

· Major General Muzaffar Usmani (Later promoted to Lt General and retired recently as Deputy Chief of Army Staff Musharraf), 400 kanals in Chak 93/p.

· Lt. General Muhammed Afzal Janjua, 400 kanals in Chak 54/p

(i) 64 serving and retired officers of colonel to general rank got 400 kanals or more. They include:

10 Generals, 9 Lt. Generals, 16 Maj. Generals, one Admiral, one Air Marshal, 18 Brigadiers, 5 Lt. Colonels and 3 Colonels.

They paid 19,000 rupees for 400 kanals of land worth 400,000 rupees at market ratesif the land is unirrigated. The value of irrigated land in these areas is much higher.

(ii) 47 non-commissioned officers also got plots of agricultural land measuring 200 kanals or less.

Many of the generals have already sold their lots earning millions of rupees in profit at market rates, while others have turned into feudal lords with hired labor toiling for them.

b) Former Chairman of national Accountability Bureau Lt. Gen. Muhammed Amjad was allotted a 2-kanal (1000 sq. yd.) plot in Lahore, with a market value of 10 million rupees, against mere 800,000 rupees payable in 20 years. Invested in Defense Saving Certificates, those 800,000 rupees would multiply to 225 million rupees. He immediately sold half of the plot for 4.5 million rupees earning a profit of 8.2 million rupees on one plot.

c) General Musharraf has acquired a commercial plot, with the market value of 20 million rupees, in Defense Society, Lahore, for mere 100,000 rupees that he will pay in installments spread over 20 years. The General has neither showed this piece of land in his assets, nor sold it. If 20 million rupees are invested in the Defense Saving Certificates, they would grow up to about 500 million rupees. He owns several plots in other localities with a total market value of 200 million rupees. He has gifted a house with a market value of 20 million rupees to his daughter, which he has not shown in his assets. The 400 kanal agricultural plot that he got in Bahawalpur is also not mentioned in his assets.

d) The ISI has forced Environment Minister Shahida Jameel to allot 100 acres of land in the Margalla Hills National Park, one of the big attractions of the capital city. The agency wants to construct a new and “safe” Headquarter as well as, quite intriguingly, a housing colony for its officers. An official summary generated by Barrister Jameel’s ministry has been sent to President Pervez Musharraf, for an urgent decision. Initially the Environment Ministry response was one of alarm, as giving away 100 acres on these hills would almost destroy the whole area as a natural park, which needed to be preserved. When the ISI bosses learned about it, they immediately contacted the Minister and “convinced” her about the immediate need of 100 acres. The lady, naturally, could not resist the pressure. Again, the Generals would grab the best pieces for their homes.

e) Another 100 acres is being selected in Bahawalpur for the outgoing Naval Chief. Defense officials’ teams have been seen visiting Bahawalpur to select these 100 acres, while an offer had also been made to the outgoing Chief to become Pakistan’s Ambassador to Tunisia. The Chief wants to be Ambassador to France and his argument is that his force has a lot to buy from France, like the Augusta submarines his predecessor Admiral Mansurul Haq bought.

f) In a report, after a random check of 4 out of 11 military estate offices in 2000 –2001, Director General of Audit of the Defense Services has found close to five billion rupees loss caused by misuse of land, mismanagement and encroachments. According to an analyst, “the report is an outright indictment of the military, as it not only shows the monumental size of the lands acquired, but also the losses being caused are gigantic, compared to peanuts for which politicians are persecuted day in and day out.”

g) The Defense Housing Authority has been grabbing large chunks of valuable residential land at nominal prices around the country for the exclusive benefit of officers of the armed forces. For instance, in January 2001, the Sindh Governor bypassed the Sindh High Court stay orders, and permitted sale of highly valuable 200 acres of coastal land along Clifton, Karachi, at embarrassingly low rates to Defense Housing Authority. The land valued at market rate of Rs. 4,000/- per square yard was sold to Defense Housing Authority at Rs 20/- per square yard. Thus, the governor caused a staggering loss worth billions of rupees to the exchequer! An acre contains 4840 square yards. The real cost of 200 acres, multiplied by 4,000 per sq. yd. comes to 3.872 billion rupees.

2. Defense Purchases: The submarine purchase scam involving Mansurul Haq is only a tip of the iceberg. Many more such deals with heavy kickbacks are hidden in the military closets. A large of deals for purchase of tanks, submarines, mine hunters, Mirage aircraft and army jeeps were signed through the Army Welfare Trust, Sheen Foundation and Bahria Foundation. It is estimated that various military officers pocketed commissions totaling 5.7 billion rupees in these deals.

a) A former NAB Chairman is reported to have written to the three service chiefs to provide records of certain arms deals, but NAB still awaits an answer.

b) The records could provide proof to the allegation that a former air chief Abbas Khatak received three million dollars (180 million rupees) in the purchase of 40 old Mirage aircraft for 120 million dollars. He is also accused of receiving kickbacks in deals for French missiles and Italian radars.

c) Another former air chief Farooq Feroze Khan is suspected of receiving 5 percent commission on purchase of 40 F-7 aircraft for 271 million dollars.

d) In 1996, Army bought 1047 GS-90 jeeps at 20,889 dollars per jeep, while the market price of the jeep was 13,000 dollars. NAB sources have been reported saying that some senior army officers pocketed 8.5 million dollars (510 million rupees).

e) The British Inland Revenue Services wrote a confidential letter to the Central Board of Revenue (CBR) in Islamabad to confirm a payment of five million pound sterling (450million rupees) in commission to an Islamabad-based Pakistani citizen who had acted as an intermediary between the British agent of an American company and the Pakistan Army for an 80 million pound sterling deal.

When summoned to the CBR in Islamabad for confirmation about the payment he had received from London, the Pakistani agent stunned the then chairman CBR Moinuddin Khan by acknowledging, unhesitatingly, that he had received the amount mentioned in the letter.

This shadowy businessman soon dropped a bombshell by disclosing that he got only 200,000 (2 lakh) pounds from the total payment of five million pounds (50 lakh pound) while the remaining amount was distributed among four senior officers of the Army. He also provided an actual breakdown of the payments and impressed upon the then CBR chairman that the then Chief of Army Staff had personally authorized the contract, meaning the COAS was also involved in corruption.

Within next few days a retired major general, who was the former Director General Weapons and Equipment (DGW & E) at the GHQ and had structured the deal with the American company through its British agent, approached the top CBR official and briefed him as how the disclosure and any probe into this deal would jeopardize the national security interest of the country.

After a flurry of activities between the CBR and some retired military officials, the CBR shelved the matter. This controversial deal is understood to be in the knowledge of the present military set-up, but there is nothing on the ground to suggest that it is being probed afresh.

f) Around June/July this year, Pakistan Army awarded a contract for purchase of 1000 Hino trucks at $40,000 per truck, while the Gandhara Industries had offered Isuzu truck of same specifications at $25,000. As per standard procedures for bulk military purchases in Pakistan, no international tenders were invited but tender documents were sent to four pre-selected companies for procurement of 1,000 5-ton 4x4 trucks (ammunition carrier vehicle) by the director general military purchase on April 10. Gandhara Industries sources dispute the Army's claim that their vehicle was not approved as 5-ton ammunition carrier. The Isuzu trucks were delivered to the Army for extended trial in February and after two months of trials the vehicle was finally short-listed and approved as 5-ton ammo carrier at the GSEEC meeting held on April 13. However, the top brass made final decision in favor of the Hino trucks. The loss to the national exchequer in this deal, at the rate of $15,000 per truck amounted to $15,000,000 (900 million rupees).

g) Pakistan Army's purchase of more than 3,000 Land Rover trucks in 1995 had also generated controversy with the allegation that the owner of Sygma motors, which had supplied the vehicles, was closely associated with the then chief of general staff of the Pakistan Army. Corruption amounting to 2 billion rupees is alleged in that deal.

h) The Field General Court Martial (FGCM) sentenced former Naval Intelligence Chief Commodore Shahid to 7 years of hard labor, but former Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Fasih Bukhari wrote off his sentence after three months, which he had spent in the comfort of his home. It is believed he was freed after he threatened to disclose many more shady deals including a 250 million dollars purchase of mine sweepers.

i) In April 2001, the Public Accounts Committee ordered court trial of 22 corrupt officers of Garrison Engineers (Army) Rawalpindi for causing over a loss of over one billion rupees to the national exchequer with dubious purchases and embezzlement. Defense Ministry officials present at the PAC hearing opposed publication of the culprits’ names, whereupon senior PAC member Lt. General Talat Masood (retd.) admonished them and said that hidden faces involved in corruption must be exposed.

3. WAPDA: The Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA), controlled by army officers, has raised power rates 13 times during the past three years totaling 40 percent rise over the 1999 levels. The authorities always take shelter behind the pretext of budget deficit. But analysts have pointed out that the deficit is mainly due to mismanagement and rampant corruption. One instance of blatant corruption is as follows:

WAPDA purchased over three million electricity meters during past three years at exorbitant prices of Rs 1,050 and Rs 1,125 per meter. All these purchases were made by bypassing the due process of open tenders and made through closed-door negotiations. The real cost of a meter comes to around Rs 456 per piece. Thus, 1.65 billion rupees were pilfered in this deal.

4. Motorway: The Motorway Project was a product of creative imagination of Prime Minister Muhammed Nawaz Sharif. He completed the Lahore-Islamabad motorway, and the contract for Islamabad-Peshawar motorway was given to a Turkish firm. It was to be completed by December 2000. The military regime, after cutting the size of six-lane road to four lanes, forced that contractor to withdraw by delaying payments and creating administrative hurdles. Later, the contract was awarded to a new Pakistani consortium lead by Husnain Construction, without floating any tender. The firm hired the services of Brig. Aftab Siddiqui (retd.), father-in-law of Musharraf’s son Bilal, as consultant. Husnain Construction owner Yousaf Sheikh told a news conference in Islamabad that Brig Siddiqui was to be given a share of 2 percent in the profit, and that his company’s business under the current military rule included purchase of about a dozen of “sick industrial units”.

5. Karakoram Express: Pakistan Railways, headed by former ISI chief, made a deal of purchasing 175 passenger coaches from a Chinese firm for 200 million dollars despite the fact that the Pakistani factories were fully competent to manufacture the coaches, which have even found many foreign buyers. When 35 of these coaches arrived in August, they were found to be much wider than the railway platforms in the country could accommodate. Millions of rupees had to be spent on trimming the platforms. Many more millions were earlier spent from the national exchequer on numerous visits of the Railways chief and his experts to China. It appears that their concerns in those visits were other than discussing technical details of the deal. It was a test case for probe into suspicions of corruption, as well as lack of foresight and competence. But neither an inquiry for fixing responsibility was announced nor any heads were seen rolling.

6. UBL Sale: The Privatization Commission of the Musharraf regime sold 51 percent shares of the United Bank Ltd. for 12.35 billion rupees to a consortium with foreign participation through an out of the process re-bidding that in no way can be termed as transparent.

UBL is Pakistan’s fourth largest bank with 1,400 branches in the country and 16 international branches, manned by 11,000 strong work force. Senior officers of the Finance Ministry had been expecting to get a price of 20 billion rupees, while the successful bidder was also reported to be willing to pay 17 billion rupees. However, the Privatization Commission let it go for mere 12.35 billion, and the regime immediately issued a Letter of Acceptance. The so-called financial wizards of General Musharraf conveniently passed over the chance of getting 7.65 billion rupees more for the national exchequer, but they cannot do away with widespread allegation that this amount was pocketed by officials.

7. Pak-Saudi Fertilizers Ltd.: The regime also sold Pak-Saudi Fertilizers Ltd. for just 7 billion rupees with huge profits, stocks and work in progress. The government failed to watch the interests of the nation in that deal also. It is alleged that corruption of about 2 billion rupees was committed in this deal.

8. Police Cars: The military regime officials have made it a regular practice of making huge purchases without calling tenders. For instance, in May 2002, the interior ministry purchased 349 luxury cars of up to 1300cc for investigation wing of the police. No tenders were called, and 259 million rupees were spent at the sweet will of the concerned officials. The officials have been committing this sort of corruption, because they are sure to get all of their illegal actions indemnified with the force of the gun.

9. Golf Club: Pakistan Navy spent 13.112 million rupees on installation of air-conditioners and sprinkler irrigation system in the Islamabad Golf Club, which is in the hands of a private organization. Public Accounts Committee was informed that the money was spent under a directive of former president Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari now chief of the Millat Party, who happens to be one of the staunchest supporters of General Musharraf. In fact, the regime has condoned all misdeeds of Mr. Leghari, including the Mehran Bank scandal and renovation of his ancestral home with government money.

10. Special Education Fraud: Like the other departments of the military regime, the education department has also been indulging in corruption. It was reported in August 2002 that officers of the Special Education Directorate have pilfered 95 million rupees earmarked for education of handicapped children.

Conclusion

We present these facts to the people of Pakistan to illustrate the grim reality that deep-rooted corruption of the generals has soiled the reputation of national armed forces. It is, therefore, our considered opinion that mere internal system of checks in any institution fails to conduct impartial, transparent and effective accountability due to personal relationships and mutual interests.

The process of accountability should be impartial, uniform and across the board. The Musharraf regime has targeted the institution of politics as the bedrock of corruption. In reality, the corrupt have turned the institution of the armed forces into the most corrupt element of the society. It is essential that this institution, which used to be the pride of the nation, be saved from further disgrace, and its respect, credibility and prestige be restored with effective measures.

A high-powered representative commission with judicial authority should be set up to purge the armed forces of black sheep and recover the monies plundered by billionaire retired-generals and other officers. The commission should include Supreme Court judges of unblemished reputation, President and General Secretary of Pakistan Bar Council, Leader of the Opposition and the leaders of other parliamentary parties. This demand of ours is justified in view of fact the generals who captured power time and again from 1958 to 1999, mostly confined accountability to the politicians, while the generals alone were responsible for grave crimes of breaking the country and unmatchable corruption. Until big criminals are apprehended, the cause of justice would not be served and all claims of rooting out corruption would prove to be mere mirage.

.




A relevant comment:

By i_shah: (source: pkpolitics)

let us try to answer the questions raised in the article:

· Why the flag-bearers of NRO scenario are blind towards this aspect of institutionalized corruption in Pakistan.

-Most of these flagbearers of the NRO cause are opportunists, who cannot resist the urge of mid-term elections and the chances of themselves getting popular with all the hypethey are creating over the issue. Sadly the public is equally responsible for this attitude as is shown by the growing popularity of coas kiyani in gallup surveys, desspite the fact that he and his corps cmdrs are the main shield hindering the proseqution of military corrups

· Why only politicians and bureaucrats should be punished under NAB ordinance and not the army officials.

-the army considers itself above the law, getting away scot free from even gruesome incidents like the humiliation of a teacher by petty army guards. i believe no action was taken against them. in a civilized society a teacher occupies the prime position of respect- not so in ours. there was some hue and cry but ultimately it died out and now we as a nation hardly remember the incident – again a case of apathy on our parts.

· Why the Parliament never thought of causing an amendment in the Army Act if the Generals cannot be investigated by NAB and cannot be tried in ordinary courts.

– the parliment seems afraid that kiyani and co will send them packing if they dare tread that path. the “bedaar” media keeping mum over the issue and eulogising kiyani every now and then is certainly of no helf either. the parliment is helpless even as army personell-even lowly ranks- are not ready to pay a meagre Rs. 5 toll tax over roads and bridges. when they can not extract this small amount how can we expect them to recover millions out of the corrupt generals.

· Have any President of Pakistan, being Supreme Commander of forces, ever bothered to gather the statistics of inquiries or court martials conducted in connection with corrupt army officers and their organizations.

-the supreme commander has never been acknowledged as such by the army. how can we expect him to act and court martial corrupt army officers. kiyani and co will act over night and depose him in “supreme national interest” with his huge unpopularity and corruption being cited as primary reason-by the corruption of the current president is nowhere near that of his military counterparts ayub/zia and old mush and even other generals/A.Ms/admirals.

· Have the Supreme Court of Pakistan ever thought of initiating a suo moto action over any financial scam involving army generals.

-the supreme court can only act within the ambits of the constitution, which sadly doesnot allow for them to be prosecuted in ordinary courts. even if the CJ takes action, there will be a lot of hue and cry raised in the name of the army getting demoralised in the middle of war on terror. interestingly, it was zia who laid the eggs of terrorism, which hatched into the present brood of terrorists in the form of taliban, laskar e jhangvi etc.

· Have any Bar Association ever thought of moving a petition before the Supreme Court to bring corrupt army generals in the ambit of ‘equal citizenship’ given in the Constitution of Pakistan.

-i guess the public’s sypathies for the army -as indicated by kiyani’s popularity graph from gallup surveys- hinders the prospect of such a scenario taking place

· Have any prominent anchor of media like Kashif Abbassi, Hamid Mir, Dr Shahid, Mazhar Abbas and Talat Hussain ever tried to float an opinion inviting discussions and comments of intelligentsia over the issue that if politicians and bureaucrats are being dragged in the streets of public consent then the generals should also be treated at par.

-thats one question that should be put to these popular anchors- and ourselves who make these anchors popular

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Wednesday, 25 November 2009

A critical analysis of the "Balochistan Package" - By Qais Anwar



آغاز حقوق بلوچستان ۔۔۔۔ طبل جنگ ؛ سمجھوتہ یا ایک اور پسپاءی

آصف ذرداری کوء ی نہ کوءی ایسا جرم کرتا رہتا ہے کہ وہ ایسٹبلشمنٹ کے
تیروں کی زد میں آ جاتا ہے ۔پچھلے ادوار میں یہ جرم بھٹو خاندان سے
وفاداری تھا۔ اس بار یہ جرم ’عملی’ بے نظیر کی بجاءے ’آءیڈلسٹ’بے نظیر کے
جھنڈے کو لے کر آگے بڑھنا تھا۔ اگر وہ ق لیگ کے ساتھ اتحاد کر لیتا؛
بلوچستان کے عوام سے معافی نہ مانگتا؛ بے نظیر کی شہادت کی تحقیقات اقوام
متحدہ سے نہ کرواتا؛ بھارت سے اچھے تعلقات کی بات نہ کرتا اور آءینی
پیکیج پر اصرار نہ کرتا تو اسے شاید اتنی جلدی ”غیر دانش مند” اور ”ملک
دشمن ” قرار نہ دیا جاتا۔اس کی رخصتی کی تمام تاریخیں اقوام متحدہ کی
رپورٹ ؛ بلوچستان پیکج اور آءینی پیکیج کو روکنے کے لیے تھیں۔ تاریخیں
گزر گءیں اور بلوچ سردار کے بیٹے نے بلوچستان پیکیج دے دیا۔ لیکن پیکیج
کے اندر کی کءی شقیں چلا چلا کر گواہی دے رہی ہیں کہ یہ وہ نہیں ہے جس کا
زرداری نے وعدہ کیا تھا۔ یہ کیا کہ ان کو رہا کیا جاءے گا جو دہشت گرد
نہیں ہوں گے۔ گویا بلوچ باغی اور طا لبان میں کوءی فرق ہی نہیں ۔ بلوچ نے
ہتھیار اس وقت اٹھایا جب اسے کءی دہاءیوں تک سیاسی عمل میں کوءی اہمیت
ہی نہیں دی گءی۔طالبان وہ ہیں جو سیاسی عمل میں یقین ہی نہیں رکھتے ۔ تو
پھر کیا ہوا؟ وہ کون تھے جنہوں نے پیکیج کی شکل ہی تبدیل کردی ؟کیا
زرداری میں اتنی ہمت نہیں تھی کہ وہ ایک سچ مچ کا پیکیج دے دیتا ؟ آءیے
اس کا جواب تلاش کرتے ہیں ۔

نواز شریف صاحب نے گیلانی سے ملاقات کے بعد بڑے واضح انداز میں فرما دیا
کہ پیکیج پر آرمی کے ساتھ بھی بات کر لیجیے گا کہ کہیں وہ بعد میں
اعتراض نہ کر دیں ۔

کل حامد میر کے پروگرام میں حاصل بزنجو نے کہا کہ آپ ایسی باتیں نہ کریں
جو آپ کر نہیں سکتے۔ آپ اکبر بگٹی کے قاتلوں کو ہاتھ بھی نہیں لگا سکتے ۔
حامد میر کے پروگرام میں ہی احمدان بگٹی نے کہا کہ ہم زرداری سے ملنے گءے
اور بتایا کہ ہمارے علاقے میں سو سے زیادہ لوگ سردار (اکبر بگتی کا پوتا
جس کو ایسٹبلشمنٹ نے زبردستی سردار بنایا تھا)نے نجی جیل میں ڈال رکھے
ہیں ۔ زرداری نے چھوڑنے کا وعدہ کیا جو لوگ شکایت کرنے گءے تھے واپس گءے
تو سردار نے ’سرکاری آدمیوں’ کے ذریعے انہیں بھی اٹھوا لیا اور نجی جیل
میں ڈال دیا ۔

جاوید چوہدری اپنے پروگرا م میں بڑے تیقن کے ساتھ کہہ رہا تھا کہ کیری
لوگر بل اور این آر او کے بعد بلو چستان پیکیج بھی ایک پھندا بننے والا
ہے۔
پاکستان بننے کے بعد پہلے مہاجر اور پھر پنجابی اور مہاجر پر مشتمل
حکمرانوں نے پشتون کو جلد ہی ا پنا جونیر ساتھی سمجھ لیا تھا۔ اس کی بڑی
وجہ برن ہال سے پڑھ کر سول سروسز اکیڈیمی اور کاکول میں جانے والے پشتون
اور خیبر سے کیماڑی تک چلنے والے ٹرک تھے۔ لیکن بنگالی اور بلوچ کی اہمیت
غلاموں سے زیادہ نہیں تھی۔ اگرچہ ایسٹبلشمنٹ کبھی سوچ بھی نہیں سکتی تھی
کہ بنگالی آزادی مانگ سکتا ہے لیکن مسلسل تحقیر اور ہندوستان کی مدد
بنگالی کو اس نکتے پر لے ہی آءی کہ وہ آزاد ہو گیا ۔ لیکن بلوچ
ایسٹبلشمنٹ کے نزدیک ایک رینگنے والا کیڑا ہے جو کسی بھی سہولت کا حق دار
نہیں ہے۔ اپنی دنیا میں مست سیکولر روایت کے حامل بلوچوں کا فرقہ واریت
اور جہاد میں بھی کوءی کردار نہیں بن سکا۔ اور پھر مسلسل توہین بلوچ کو
اس سطح پر لے آیء کہ اس نے یہ کہنا شروع کر دیا کہ وہ اس کے ساتھ ہے جو
اس کو آزادی دلاءے گا۔ ہماری ایسٹبلشمنٹ کے لیے یہ سوچنا بھی مشکل ہوتا
ہے کہ یہ غلام ابن غلام کبھی آزادی بھی مانگ سکتے ہیں اور پھر بلوچ بغاوت
کی جڑ اس کی مایوسی میں تلاش کرنے کی بجاءے اس کے پیچھے بھی ہندوستان کا
ہاتھ تلاش کر لیا گیا ۔ اور پھر اس کا حل بھی چھاءونیوں کی تعمیر؛ دوسرے
صوبوں کے لوگوں کو بسا کر اکثریت کو اقلیت میں بدلنے اور ایسے ہی اور بہت
سے طریقوں میں ڈھونڈا گیا

زرداری کا یہ کہنا کہ وہ بلوچوں سے معافی مانگے گا اسٹبلشمنٹ کے لیے صدر
کے عہدے کی اس سے زیادہ کیا توہین ہو سکتی تھی۔ اور پھر ٹی وی پر زرداری
کے جانے کی تاریخیں شروع ہو گءیں ۔ اور پھر اسی مہم کا نتیجہ تھا کہ رحمن
ملک نے بھی بلوچستان میں ہندوستان کو تلاش کرنا شروع کر دیا۔ اور اب
پیکیج میں بھی ہر اچھی چیز مشروط ہے۔ یہاں ایسٹبلشمنٹ کا پرانا کھیل شروع
ہو جاتا ہے۔ ماضی میں جب کبھی پی پی نے صدارت یا اہم عہدے اے این پی کو
دینا چاہے تو ان کو سیکیورٹی کلیرنس نہیں ملی لیکن ان لوگوں نے اپنا غصہ
اسٹبلشمنٹ پر نکالنے کی بجاءے پیلپز پارٹی پر نکالا ۔ لیکن جب ایسٹبلشمنٹ
کو ضرورت پڑی تو اس نے بابا اجمل خٹک کے ساتھ بھی صدارت کا وعدہ کر لیا ۔
سندھ میں ان کو جن کو ہندوستان کا ایجنٹ کہا جاتا تھا اہم ترین عہدوں پر
لے آءے ۔ ایسٹبلشمنٹ اتنی بے رحم ہے کہ پیلپز پارٹی کی دشمنی میں کچھ بھی
کر سکتی ہے۔ ججوں کی بحالی تو ابھی حال ہی کی بات ہے۔ ایسٹبلشمنٹ ججوں کی
بحالی نہیں چاہتی تھی ۔ زرداری نے سمجھوتہ کر لیا ۔ لیکن جب ایسا وقت آیا
کہ ججوں کی بحالی پیلپز پارٹی کو کمزور کرنے کے لیے استعمال کی جا سکتی
تھی تو ایسٹبلشمنٹ ہی ججوں کی بحالی کی ہیرو بن گءی ۔

زرداری کا سمجھوتہ اس بار زیادہ محتاط ہے کیونکہ پارلیمنٹ کے پاس اختیار
ہے کہ وہ پیکیج کو مزید بہتر کر دے ۔ لیکن یہاں تو مقابل وہ میڈیا اور
اپوزیشن ہے جو نان ایشو کو ایشو بنانے کا طویل تجربہ رکھتے ہیں ۔ یہ وہی
ہیں جنہوں نے دیکھنے والے کو یقین دلا دیا ہے کہ بلو چستان کا مسءلہ اصل
مسءلے یعنی این آر او سے توجہ ہٹانے کے لیے ہے۔ کیا یہ تو نہیں ہو گا کہ
گمشدہ لوگ اس پیکیج کے بعد بھی برامد نہ ہو سکیں ۔ مقدمات اس لیے واپس نہ
ہوں کہ دفعات دہشت گردی کی ہیں اور پھر زرداری اور رحمان ملک جھوٹے ثابت
ہوں اور اور ہمارا میڈیا اصل ذمہ داروں کی نشاندہی کی بجاءے قوم پرستوں
کو ٹی وی پر بلا کر ذرداری کو زمہ دار ثابت کر رہا ہو ۔ کیا ایسی صورت
میں زرداری طبل جنگ بجا سکے گا؟ کیا پیپلز پارٹی کو اندازہ ہے کہ اس صورت
میں پسپاءی کتنی مہلک ہو گی؟اگر آپشن یہ ہے کہ اپوزیشن کو اسمبلی میں
گھیرا جاءے اور کہا جاءے کہ پیکیج کو بہتر کرلو تو کیا گیلانی صاحب یہ
کریں گے؟ کہیں یہ پیکیج بھی جلدی میں تو نہیں آگیا ؟


Actions, not words, are needed
By Qurat ul ain Siddiqui
Wednesday, 25 Nov, 2009 (Dawn)


Activists of Baloch National Front chant anti-government slogans during a protest in Quetta on April 10, 2009. — AFP Photo

The government on November 24, 2009, announced the recommendations that constitute the ‘Aghaz-i-Huqooq-i-Balochistan’ (Beginning of the Rights of Balochistan) package. Although some of the recommendations are groundbreaking, many in the nationalist and separatist circles of Baloch leadership remain suspicious of the government’s intentions and have rejected the proposals point-blank.

‘In my opinion, bureaucratically drafted and promise-oriented (as opposed to action-oriented) announcements would not be useful to appease the aggrieved and politically conscious Baloch masses,’ says Sanaullah Baloch of the Balochistan National Party-Mengal (BNPM).

His concerns are echoed by Senator Hasil Bizenjo, the senior vice-president of the National Party. ‘People were expecting something decisive and much more significant given the hype that the government had created about it. In a matter of months, we will know that things will not change and that dissatisfaction in Balochistan is only going to increase.’

‘The government is saying that the military operation will be halted. Well, we know that will not happen. From what I see, the government is in fact gearing up for an even more intense operation in the region while constantly alleging Indian involvement in the nationalist and separatist movements,’ Ameen Baloch of the Baloch National Movement (BNM) says.

A vital clause in the package calls for ‘dialogue with all major stakeholders in the political spectrum of the province’ so they can be brought into the political mainstream. To that, Baloch leader and former minister Hyrbyair Marri, who has declared the recommendations ‘a package of lies,’ says, ‘I have not been contacted by the government and if they had contacted me or would do so in the future, my answer would be the same: we want our due right to independence.’

Reiterating that, Sher Mohammad Bugti, a spokesman for the Baloch Republican Party (headed by Brahmdagh Bugti), told Reuters: ‘People shouldn't be deceived by such things. It's a trick to weaken our struggle.’

‘Our campaign would go on despite the government's proposals,’ Bugti said by telephone from an undisclosed location.

While nationalist voices reject the package’s recommendations, some in Balochistan wonder whether such an approach will alleviate the current political mood in the province.

‘Some of these recommendations are very major. Who would have thought that the government would even think of, let alone speak about, announcing a course of action regarding the political prisoners and the missing persons,’ asks 24-year-old Mahrukh, a private school teacher in Quetta. ‘Has anyone ever suggested that the Frontier Corps (FC) in Balochistan can come under the control of the Chief Minister?’ she adds in an effort to give the government ‘its due credit.’

On the other hand, Ali Changezi, a Hazara student from Quetta, who is studying at a university in Karachi, feels ‘the negative reaction from the nationalists to such announcements is quite understandable.’

‘It is difficult to simply put away what Balochistan and the Baloch have experienced in the past with such announcements. I know Baloch men who have been missing for months. Their families do not care about political declarations; they want action. They want their brothers and sons and husbands back home,’ says Changezi. He also warns that past experience with the government has made many Baloch ‘wary and stubborn.’

In order to build real confidence, implementing these proposals is key. ‘Among the most important clauses of this package is the withdrawal of the army from Sui, bringing the FC under the chief minister’s control, and the political prisoners’ recovery. These measures, if and when implemented, will really boost the government’s credibility and alleviate some of the distress of the Baloch people,’ says Senator Rehana Yahya Baloch of the Pakistam Muslim League – Quaid (PMLQ).

BNPM’s Baloch also points out that the government lacks a clear political roadmap to follow through with its proposals. ‘The package lacks a clear political vision for the region. The Baloch are demanding an overall control and transformation of the Civil Armed Forces (CAF), including replacement of more than 50,000 aliens [non-Balochis] of the CAF, by unemployed Baloch youth.’

With these recommendations, pressure will mount for action; immediate and effective action. For his part, Bizenjo can’t help but wonder whether ‘this entire clamour was really necessary to recover the missing and to bring about real reforms in Balochistan.’

The writer can be contacted at quratulain.siddiqui@gmail.com


Read more...

Friday, 20 November 2009

Pakistan’s internal dynamics and security

POSTED BY: JARRI MIRZA

This column by Ismail Khan originally appeared in Daily Times on November 20, 2009.

In a diverse country like ours, parliamentary democracies largely settle these things. With institutions like the Senate, where there is equal representation of all the provinces, consensus and shared threats emerge. Without consensus, the state is hardly monolithic in terms of its direction.

These days, news from Pakistan is full of rumours, accusations, and counter-accusations. It is speculated that the days of Mr. Zardari, if not the PPP government, are numbered; that Mr. Zardari is thinking to play the Sindh card; that Clinton has winked at a change in Pakistan’s setup, etc. The source of this speculation is the media, which when asked, calls itself an impartial observer.

On top of it, despite the severity, this news is full of innuendoes. Worst of all, there is excessive usage of labelling. So many commentaries on the news from Pakistan have become a dirty affair insinuating that at the end of the day, you are either an agent of the ISI or of the CIA, either a covert jiyala or on the payroll of the agencies, either a flag-waving patriot or trying to divide the country.

In the midst of all of this, the debate over the content of discontent gets lost. Imagine, even if someone is a full-time employee of any agency, forget being on contract, does that bury the content? Not at all. Then why not address the content? Maybe it can offer answers to our accusations against one another.

Although bad governance has recently been quoted as a concern for the masses, which it is, the list of entries in the charge sheet against Mr. Zardari has hardly anything to do with governance. Here is the list that haunts Mr. Zardari: the PPP government tried to bring the ISI under the Ministry of Information; the president announced the no-first use of nuclear weapons in the context of India; the rulers appeased India after the Mumbai attacks; the civilian government signalled ‘yes’ to the Kerry-Lugar Bill, so on and so forth. On all these issues, the media has largely stood with the PPP’s critics in the power corridors.

The common theme in all these issues is security. Of the many fallouts of the military’s prominence in Pakistani politics, the lack of consensus on security issues arguably occupies the top post. Remember how Sharif and Beg disagreed over sending troops to Iraq or how Sharif distanced himself from Kargil, despite the level of his involvement. Benazir Bhutto also never identified herself with the Kashmir jihadist movements.

Although it can be rightly said that irrespective of factors, the threat identification of a state remains the same, but in Pakistan’s case, the threat was not the same because our internal dynamics were not addressed properly.

The civil-military imbalance is one such dynamic; due to the deep imprint of the military on the security paradigm, civilians have tried to distance themselves from it. This is because security is a dividing line between the two groups; in fact, it would not be wrong to argue that the security paradigm overrides Pakistan’s national policies. The present debate over Mr. Zardari’s fate too finds its roots in the security issue.

There are other dynamics too. In the traditional sense, security is against an enemy state, which in Pakistan’s case remained India. The Pakistani narrative owes the genesis of this threat identification to partition; however, as scholars have argued recently, the threat was more extreme with those identities that experienced the ‘threat’. In Pakistan’s case, Punjabis and Urdu-speaking people can be identified as such groups, who would still recall the suffering of their ancestors at the time of partition.

Back then both the groups were well-represented in the institutions of state, which is why the nation-building task was done more by them. However, concerns change with time. Even in Punjab and among the Urdu-speakers, the local threat may not necessarily be India’s acquisition of resources. This change is clearly seen in the concerns of MQM, for which it has been disliked by many.

The paradigm remained fixated on India. This is not to suggest that with the involvement of other groups’ concerns, the paradigm would have remained the same or not. What did not happen was the representation of the variability of security of all the identities in the state’s identification of the threat.

Examples are abundant. A person living in Waziristan has been in a state of war since 2002, but it was only recently that the state went for its help. Worst of all, his or her message is being relayed just recently, which is why they are extremely frustrated over being left alone. Similarly, while Pushtun nationalists wanted to take on the militants early on, they had to relent because some groups in Islamabad were dissatisfied, until the militants were found making headlines of being “sixty miles away from Islamabad”.

Concerns of identities in Pakistan are economic and about acquisition of resources for the self. The Baloch, for instance, dislike their rapidly-changing equation with the Pushtuns, not least after the influx of Afghans into Pakistan; in Sindh, different groups want to secure their interests amidst all the groups. Thus while Pakistan has its finger pointing against India for blocking water, Sindh has levelled the same charges against Punjab for stealing water. Worst of all, the best way to get rid of an issue is to dub the person raising an issue as being a sympathiser of India.

Recently, this has been amplified by the commentaries on the electronic media; it must be noted that popular electronic media in Pakistan is Urdu-medium in nature. For their perceptions on historical experiences, many anchorpersons believe in the Indo-centric security paradigm. The Mumbai attack is a prime example, where there was a sense of madness by the media over the government’s alleged appeasement of India. Hardly anyone knew about Swat. Now they have expressed surprise over discontent in Balochistan or in Sindh. The media’s concern over security is questionable because of its ignorance of the debates within; it would not be wrong to imagine that had the same media existed in 1999, Sharif would have gone much earlier than October 1999.

In a diverse country like ours, parliamentary democracies largely settle these things. With institutions like the Senate, where there is equal representation of all the provinces, consensus and shared threats emerge. Without consensus, the state is hardly monolithic in terms of its direction.

Like it or not, the military has to equally face embarrassment as it is left in the wilderness every time it fights. Worst of all, the state’s security policies are hardly defended by all actors; that in itself is a cause for confusion within the military.

Today when there is an elected government, it finds itself grilled whenever it takes a security decision. Even if faces get changed, the underlying factors will once again re-emerge, raising the concerns with more severity. It would be much better if we read correctly the relationship between security and the internal dynamics in Pakistan. Calling someone a covert agent and blaming the whole course of history on this is hardly what a serious academic would find time to read. Today, everyone is busy making the same mistake.

Muhammad Ismail Khan is a graduate student of International Relations at Boston University.


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Sunday, 15 November 2009

The Ziaist Taliban versus Professional ISI

عمارت

By Abdul Nishapuri

We, the people of Pakistan, notwithstanding our political, religious or ethnic affiliations, wholeheartedly support the professional commitment expressed by Pakistan Army and its intelligence wing (ISI) in rooting out the remnants of General Zia, i.e. jihadi and sectarian terrorists who are currently operating under various banners, e.g. Taliban, Sipah-e-Sahaba and Al Qaeda.

We salute the officers and jawans of Pakistan Army who are sacrificing their lives in the defence of Pakistan in this true jihad against terrorists.

We also warn the agents of Taliban in Pakistani media and politics (e.g. Dr Shahid Masood, Hamid Mir, Ansar Abbasi, Munawar Hasan, Hamid Gul and Imran Khan) to refrain from misleading the Pakistani nation. Our armed forces, police and other security agencies need our full support. To the Friends of Taliban: Please do not add to our woes and miseries by brainwashing the ignorant youth and producing more suicide bombers against the Pakistani nation. Please do not exploit Islam for your evil political agenda. Please stop being the Mir Jafars and Mir Sadiqs of Pakistan.

ISI attack death toll rises to 17

PESHAWAR: The death toll from a suicide car bomb that targeted the Peshawar headquarters of the Inter-Services Intelligence rose to 17 on Saturday. Sources told Daily Times that four more bodies were recovered from the rubble, taking the death toll to 17, including 14 security personnel. Senior NWEP Minister Bashir Bilour said the provincial government had proposed a six-month ban on supply of explosives for mineral-extraction. akhtar amin

TTP claims responsibility

PESHAWAR: The TTP on Saturday accepted responsibility for Friday’s attacks on the ISI’s Peshawar office and a police station in Bannu. “We will launch so many attacks that the president, prime minister and governor would not be able to sit in their palaces,” TTP spokesman Azam Tariq told AFP. Qari Hussain, a TTP leader, said the attacks were in reaction to the “military operation in South Waziristan and government policies”. staff report/afp

EDITORIAL: Safety no more

More than a dozen people — military personnel and civilians — were killed on Friday and several others injured when a suicide bomber targeted the regional headquarters of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in Peshawar. It is indeed quite alarming that a suicide bomber with an explosives-laden vehicle could hit such a sensitive target; that too when there is a high security alert all over the country. Such an attack could not be ruled out in the light of the security situation. Only a few months ago, militants had targeted the ISI headquarters in Lahore. It is now clear that the terrorists have the security agencies of Pakistan in their sights.

ISI’s role in the past as a supporter of militancy is no secret, but now the tables have turned. The ISI is therefore pitted against the militants and vice versa. The security and law enforcement agencies are being targeted left, right and centre by the terrorists in the wake of the military offensive against the militants in Swat/Malakand and South Waziristan. The attack on GHQ last month was the most significant terrorist attack in the history of Pakistan, highlighting the fact that the militants have now declared open war against the state of Pakistan and its military and intelligence agencies. Needless to say, the intelligence agencies are playing a crucial role in the military operations against the terrorists. Without good real time intelligence, no military operation can be successful, especially when the enemy is engaged in guerrilla and asymmetrical warfare. In the past, both the military and the intelligence agencies have tried to pacify the militants by playing the ‘good Taliban, bad Taliban’ card. It has not worked. The penny has finally dropped and the military has realised that there is no such thing as a ‘good’ militant. This does not mean of course that the door should not be left open for those militants who for one reason or another choose to come in out of the cold, abandon militancy, and are desirous of reintegration into society.

Irrespective of this ‘open door’ policy though, it is by now crystal clear that the militants are out for blood, which is why it is doubly unfathomable that no proper security arrangements were made for the regional ISI headquarters in Peshawar. If GHQ and ISI buildings can be targeted so easily, it does not inspire confidence that civilian targets can be kept secure. The modus operandi is almost the same in all major terrorist attacks. Explosive-laden vehicles were used to carry out suicide bombings at the Marriott Hotel in Islamabad and the FIA building in Lahore. Under such circumstances, suspect vehicles should not be allowed anywhere near high-risk targets.

The police, too, are being targeted by the jihadis. On Saturday, there was a suicide attack at a police checkpost on the outskirts of Peshawar, while on Friday a police station in Bannu was attacked by terrorists. Such attacks do not end here. Trucks carrying NATO supplies for Afghanistan were targeted at Mach in the Bolan Pass on Friday morning.

Those who have been saying that this is the US’s war should now take a good look at all these events. If it ever was the US’s war exclusively, by now there can be little doubt that this is our war now. The zealots are not only targeting military and security personnel but also ordinary citizens. They have killed scores of women, children and men all over the country. By attacking the Sri Lankan cricket team earlier this year, they made it clear that they would not spare anyone. It is high time that all political parties unite against these barbarians and speak up. It is time that sanity prevails instead of the mad voices that we often hear in the media. No one in Pakistan is safe anymore; not till extremism is rooted out of the veins of the country. (Source)


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Thursday, 12 November 2009

Is there an Al Qaeda - NATO connection?


The al Qaeda connection?


NWFP was hit by another terrorist attack on Tuesday afternoon when a suicide bomber blew up his car in Charsadda bazaar. More than 30 people were killed and nearly 100 others injured, including several women and children. It was the third suicide bombing since Saturday in the battle-ridden province. Suicide attacks have become a routine occurrence during the past few weeks all over Pakistan, especially in NWFP. A spate of terror attacks in recent days is obviously a backlash against the military operation in South Waziristan against the militants. According to a Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) spokesman, the militants have retreated from various areas in South Waziristan as part of their war strategy and its fighters will launch a guerrilla war once the Pakistani military enters deep into all areas of South Waziristan. If the Taliban have actually managed to retreat from South Waziristan, they have either gone to North Waziristan or crossed the border into Afghanistan. When the Pakistan army was deployed for the first time since independence in FATA in 2004, the US and Pakistan agreed upon a hammer and anvil strategy whereby the US-led NATO forces were playing the role of the hammer in Afghanistan while the Pakistani forces played the role of the anvil in our tribal areas. The roles have reversed now. Successive military operations against the local Taliban have crippled their organisation, which is why they could now be crossing the border to safeguard their interests. The alarming factor is that the ‘anvil’ is nowhere to be seen as the NATO forces have vacated more than half a dozen key security checkposts on the Afghan side of the Pak-Afghan border opposite South Waziristan. In these trying times when Pakistan is in the midst of a civil war, the international community needs to come forward and help it. Instead, the NATO forces are leaving the door open for the TTP to cross over to the Afghan side without any repercussions. This would obviously undermine the military operation.

The Afghan Taliban, on the other hand, have strongly denied any association with the TTP’s campaign, strategy or tactics. Afghan Taliban commander Abdul Mannan condemned suicide bombing and termed it un-Islamic and wrong to target innocent people in blasts. He said the Afghan Taliban leaders have not crossed the border and are not hiding in Pakistan, but are targeting coalition and NATO forces from Afghan soil. With these remarks coming from the Afghan Taliban, it seems as if there is some other force helping the local Taliban and from the pattern of suicide bombings, it could well be the al Qaeda network. It is quite apparent that the TTP is getting massive funding from some source and proper training to carry out successive terror attacks all over Pakistan. The al Qaeda leadership has on a number of occasions declared war against the state of Pakistan, which makes it all the more probable that this global terror network could be supporting the TTP in its fight against the state of Pakistan.

The military is trying to eliminate the militants from the tribal region but it seems as if the country does not have enough funds for the purpose. This can be gauged from Interior Minister Rehman Malik’s statement that the government is now using development funds for the capacity building of law-enforcement agencies in a bid to improve security. If al Qaeda is actually helping the local Taliban, it is not only alarming for our country but for the whole world. Fighting the militants on this scale requires heavy-duty finances; it is time the international community, especially the US, rises to the occasion and helps Pakistan in this common cause. Peace and stability in this region, once achieved, will translate into peace all over the world. Source

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Sunday, 1 November 2009

Zardari's corruption and our saviours in Pakistan Army


PAC wants culprits behind NLC losses identified

By Irfan Bukhari

ISLAMABAD: The Public Accounts Committee on Thursday directed the Planning and Development Division to identify those responsible for losses of Rs 1.7 billion to the National Logistics Cell (NLC).

Considering the audit para pertaining to losses suffered by NLC from investment in the stock exchange between 2004 and 2008, the PAC directed the secretary to submit names of the officials responsible within 15 days.

The Planning and Development Division secretary informed the committee that NLC had invested Rs 4.8 billion in the stock exchange between 2004 and 2008 and had suffered losses of Rs 1.7 billion.

Briefing the committee about the findings of an inquiry report, the secretary said NLC officials had purchased shares of various companies in violation of company policy and against the decision of the board of directors.

He said Lt General (r) Khalid Munir Khan, Lt General (r) Afzal Muzaffar, Major General (r) Khalid Zaheer Akhtar, Najeeb Ullah Khan and Saeedur Rehman were heading the NLC at the time.

He said the Planning and Development Division held these men responsible for the losses, but Auditor General Tanvir Ali Agha said responsibility could not be fixed without a proper trial.

PAC member Hamid Yar Hiraj endorsed Agha’s remarks and PAC acting chairperson Yasmeen Rehman directed the Planning and Development secretary to fix the responsibility through proper procedure, so that money could be recovered from them.

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009\10\30\story_30-10-2009_pg7_23


Three generals cause multi-billion loss to NLC

Friday, October 30, 2009

By Rauf Klasra

ISLAMABAD: Two former lieutenant generals and one major general of the Pakistan Army calling shots at the National Logistic Cell for five years, stood exposed before the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) on Thursday, when an inquiry report revealed that after defying the orders of the then prime minister Shaukat Aziz, these generals had quietly borrowed Rs2billion from four banks on commercial rates to make investments in the volatile stock markets and in the process lost Rs1.8billion in the stocks.

A total of Rs4billion of the NLC including the pension fund of its employees, were invested in the stock markets, out of which, according to the report, Rs1.8billion were already lost during this adventure.

The PAC was informed through its inquiry report that OIC/NLC Lt General Azfal Muzaffar evn continued to make investments in the stock market till the last day of his retirement in 2008 even though the rest of the government departments and organizations had stopped this exercise in 2006.

The PAC was informed that after causing a loss of Rs1.8billion in cash to the NLC which would continue to pay the loan installments of the banks in the years to come, these three army generals were never questioned about their acts of omission and commission which had caused a loss of billions to the organisation.

The PAC members suspecting some foul play in the multi billion investment spree sought the names of the brokers and directors of those firms through whom these billions were invested despite the orders of PM Aziz in 2003 to stop investing in stocks.

The interesting part of this scam is that this was Shaukat Aziz who as a finance minister had devised a policy to make the public sector departments, organizations, corporation etc to invest their pension funds into stock markets to show fake recovery and financial health of the country.

Earlier, the secretary planning division Ashraf Hayat placed the names of five top guns of NLC who according to inquiry repot were responsible for this massive financial loss. Secretary said he did not have any doubt in his mind that following five were responsible—-Lt General Khalid Munir Khan who served in OIC NLC during 15.1.2004 to 14.6.2005, Lt General Afzal Muzaffar ( 15.6.2005 to 17.10.2008), DG NLC Major General Khalid Zahir Akhar ( 25.7.2002 to 27.2.2008), DFA Najeebullah Khan ( 25.10.2002 to 10.4.2007) and Chief Finance Officer ( 20.6.2004 to 22.10.2008).

These top guns were holding the positions of OIC DG AND DFA/CFO when these amounts were borrowed from the four commercial banks and invested in the markets.

According to official inquiry report placed before the PAC, a total loan of Rs2billion was borrowed— Bank Al Falah (Rs650million), National Bank of Pakistan(Rs90million), UBL (Rs800m) and ABL (Rs500m) and out of this loan, Rs 1.8billion has already been lost in the stock markets because of the decision of these three top army generals who had contracted with some brokers to make these heavy investments in stock markets.

The shocked PAC members however stopped short of ordering the recovery of these huge financial losses from these top military generals even after it was established that not only these generals had defied the orders of the then prime minister Shaukat Aziz not to make investment in the markets, but Staff Retirement Benefit Fund of employees was also thrown and lost in the stock markets. The PAC decided to wait for two more weeks to get another review of the inquiry report before ordering the recovery of these losses from those top military men who made such silly investments in the stocks.

Earlier, the PAC met here with Yasmeen Rehman in the chair. Sardar Bhadur Khan Sihar, Riyaz Fatinya, Hamid Hiraj, Sardar Ayaz Sadiq, Nadeem Afzal Chann and others.

The secretary Planning Ashraf Hayat laid the inquiry report before the PAC and he did not have any doubt in his mind that these three generals were responsible for this huge financial losses to the NLC by making faulty decision of investing in the volatile markets of the country. Despite the repeated questions of the PAC members the secretary did not budge from his stance that three generals were responsible for this loss. MNA Riyaz Fatina was wondering that why PAC was ordering the fixing of responsibility when it was clear from documents that these generals had defied the orders of the PM Aziz and this single violation was enough to establish a case against them.

The PAC was informed that three generals even devised a new strategy to make the money invested when after consuming the pension funds NLC employees, they even decided to borrow from four commercial banks and then threw it in the stocks. The PAC was informed that the sorry part of this sordid affair was that even the pension fund of the employees of the NLC was not spared in the heat of investment with the help of some powerful brokers.

According to the inquiry report, as a part of its official policy, NLC should invest 20 percent of the total fund under the management in non government securities/TFCs and shares. The report said in its 37th meeting of NBL held on September 8, 2003 the chairman NLB approved the investment policy of NLC advising not to invest in the stocks and carry over transactions. In its next Board meeting held on Jan 7, 2005, while viewing the status and results of NLC investments, the prime minister/chairman of NLB pointed out that public sector companies should not trade in stocks. The DG NLC clarified that investment policy was made as per the guidelines by the ministry of finance. The PM Aziz asked the secretary finance for an approval and issuance of fresh guidelines, he further directed that a strategy should be worked out by NLC in consultation with secretary finance to disinvest from the stock market. The DG NLC reiterated that irrespective of the policy, PM Directive to withhold trading in stock till fresh guidelines from the finance division will be followed.

The inquiry report said it analysed the investment record and reached the conclusion that massive financial irregularities were detected. The report said, “ besides noticing the acts of blatant violations of instructions, procedures and other guidelines”. The PAC would now decided whether to summon these generals in meeting and put recovery on them in its next meeting after receiving another report within two weeks.
http://www.thenews.com.pk/top_story_detail.asp?Id=25281


http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/nov2009-daily/01-11-2009/col10.htm

(Abdul Qadir Hassan)


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