Baitullah Mehsud Shaheed

Baitullah Mehsud is shaheed: a claim by Mullah Fazlur-Rehman dehshat gard.

http://www.nawaiwaqt.com.pk/E-Paper/Lahore/2009-11-20/page-12/detail-10

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Pakistan's "independent" judiciary fails to punish jihadi and sectarian killers

Fazlullah nearing his end?

One TV channel actually announced Saturday night that the Swat warlord Fazlullah had been captured in a wounded state from his Peochar stronghold in the area. But the official version is not far off the mark: he could be captured any time soon. Former FATA secretary Brigadier Mahmood Shah (retd) in his TV comment hoped that Fazlullah would be punished for what he has done and not be let off on bail, as has been done in the case Maulana Abdul Aziz of Lal Masjid.

Why should someone as important as Mr Shah start fearing that Fazlullah will go free? Yet he is not alone in feeling that, despite our “independent” judiciary. Reports from Multan have been streaming in saying that Lashkar-e-Jhangvi killer Akram Lahori could be about to go free because witnesses against him keep on disappearing mysteriously. Judges are not exempt from threatening calls and, like the khassadars of Khyber, they could be more inclined to believe the terrorists rather than the state of Pakistan.

Briefing a Senate committee, FATA Additional Chief Secretary Habibullah Khan has said something that must upset a lot of people. He said: “There is evidence that the US, Israel and India are involved in nurturing the insurgency in FATA”. Like the evidence against India — which was never handed over to the Indians or shown in Pakistan — this evidence too has to be treated as “emotional” unless it is made public.

Why should America kill Baitullah Mehsud, thus breaking the back of the Taliban insurgency, and yet join India and Israel to conspire against the very country it wants not to succumb to terror? If America is following a strategy of dividing the Taliban in FATA then that should be differentiated from what the FATA officer thinks are acts against Pakistan. The Interior Ministry should seriously be worried about why people think that Pakistan will fail to punish its terrorists. (Daily Times)

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Post-Baitullah Mehsud Pakistani Taliban - Analysis by Saleem Safi

Post-Baitullah TTP

Wednesday, September 09, 2009 (The News) Saleem Safi It would be too optimistic to believe that the killing of Baitullah Mehsud has smashed the TTP network. It is a fact that the TTP has been weakened in the past few weeks and months, however, there are some factors which need to be considered. The major blow to the TTP was caused by the frequent drone attacks which have left many important officials of Al-Qaeda and TTP dead have restricted the mobility of the surviving Al-Qaeda and TTP officials. The drone attacks have also badly affected the communication network of the TTP. Another major blow to the TTP is that the US and Afghan intelligence agencies have gained major successes in penetrating the TTP among the local tribes. The Swat and Bajaur operations conducted by the Army also proved fatal to the TTP. Meanwhile, the US and Afghan forces are gearing up to wage a final battle to eliminate Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. This makes the Pakistani tribal areas as the most significant refuge for the Taliban. Sensing this possibility, the US has put pressure on Pakistan to flush out militants from its tribal belt. The US is monitoring all the offensives launched by the Pakistani forces against the Taliban. The frequent visits of US special envoy Richard Holbrook to Pakistan and his reduced focus on Afghanistan are also reflective of this strategy. Even if we repudiate the notion of the presence of US Marines on Pakistani soil, we could easily assess the increasing direct contacts of US officials with Pakistani media persons, civil society organisations, politicians, which are mainly meant to collect information and assess the situation on the ground in Pakistan. The death of Baitullah, the top strategist of the TTP, has also hit the TTP from so many aspects. It was a reality that he had become a focal point between Al-Qaeda, the Afghan Taliban, the TTP and all banned militant and jihadi organisations exploiting his qualities. Since taking over the TTP, Baitullah had established himself as a serious and farsighted leader due to which he was feared as a dangerous person locally and internationally. This was a distinction, and any other TTP leader will take years to gain such influence among TTP followers. The death of Baitullah is a huge loss to the TTP keeping in view these factors. However, it would be imprudent to think that his death will abolish thye TTP completely as despite all his capabilities, he was neither a founder nor an architect of the TTP or Talibanisation. History reveals that there are either founders of some movement or there are some circumstantial leaders. Prior to Baitullah, the militants were led by Naik Mohammed and later Abdullah Mehsud succeeded him after his demise. Whether it was Naik Mohammed, Abdullah or Baitullah – all were shaped up by the Afghan Taliban and Al-Qaeda. So even if Baitullah is no more, whoever is nominated by the Afghan Taliban will gradually get the stature of Baitullah sooner or later. The militancy in the Pakistani tribal belt is produced by bickering between international forces operating in Afghanistan and Pakistan, especially the Pakhtoon belt on both sides of the border. Talibanisation cannot be abolished from the region until these international powers stop their dirty game in the region. Regardless of who is dead or alive, if these powers seriously agrees on elimination of insurgents, the militants would be no more visible in the entire area. However, if these states kept playing for implementing their respective agendas, no matter who is alive or dead, the insurgents will rule the region and the Death Game. The writer works at Geo TV.

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Pakistani Taliban admit Mehsud killed in US strike. Thank, you President Obama!

The USA Drone attacks against the Al Qaeda / Taliban / Sipah-e-Sahab hideouts in Pakistan are proving effective. Thanks, President Obama, for continuing the proactive elimination of terrorists in Pakistan's tribal area. The next target in line is Hakimullah Mehsud, Mullah Fazlullah and the Haqqani network.

Also, there is a need to bring to justice the supporters, funders and trainers of the Taliban, such as General Hamid Gul, Mullah Munawar Hasan, clean-shaven Mullah Imran Khan, Mullah Abdul Aziz, and Hafiz Saeed. These Taliban lovers are the traitors to Pakistan and Islam.

Pakistani Taliban admit Mehsud killed in US strike

© 2009 The Associated Press

Aug. 25, 2009

DERA ISMAIL KHAN, Pakistan — Two commanders of the Pakistani Taliban say the militants' top leader, Baitullah Mehsud, is dead. They say he died from wounds from a U.S. missile strike.

The statements by two of Mehsud's top deputies are the first time the militants have acknowledged his death, first reported shortly after the Aug. 5 missile strike near the Afghan border.

Hakimullah Mehsud and Waliur Rehman called The Associated Press on Tuesday evening to make the announcement. They said Baitullah Mehsud was wounded in the missile attack but only died Sunday.

بیت اللہ محسود کی ہلاکت کی تصدیق

ہارون رشید

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، مینگورہ

کالعدم تحریک طالبان پاکستان نے تنظیم کے سربراہ بیت اللہ محسود کے جو ایک ڈرون حملے میں شدید زخمی ہو گئے تھے ہلاک ہونے کی تصدیق کر دی ہے۔

کالعدم تحریک طالبان کے نئے امیر حکیم اللہ محسود نے کسی نامعلوم مقام سے بی بی سی سے فون پر بات کرتے ہوئے بیت اللہ محسود کی ہلاکت کی تصدیق کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ ان کی موت دو دن پہلے ہی واقع ہوئی ہے۔

حکیم اللہ محسود نے کہا کہ بیت اللہ محسود ڈرون حملے میں شدید زخمی ہو گئے تھے اور مسلسل بے ہوشی کی حالت میں تھے تاہم دو دن قبل وہ بے ہوشی کی حالت ہی میں چل بسے۔

حکیم اللہ محسود کے علاوہ طالبان کمانڈر ولی الرحمان نے بھی بی بی سی سے فون پر بات کی اور طالبان کے درمیان اختلافات کی خبروں کی تردید کی۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ ان کے درمیان کسی قسم کے اختلافات موجود نہیں ہیں۔

ولی الرحمان کو وزیرستان کے محسود علاقے میں طالبان کا کمانڈر مقرر کر دیا گیا

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ISI is supporting "Good Taliban", leaving innocent people to Taliban's "mercy"

The following reports by BBC Urdu and Rediff suggest that the ISI is still active in its support of "Good Taliban".

’طالبان کی پشت پناہی نہ کی جاتی تو ان کا صفایا کر دیتے‘

عبدالحئی کاکڑ

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، پشاور

’فوج کو خبر ہونے تک طالبان گھر کا محاصرہ کر چکے تھے‘

پاکستان کے قبائلی علاقوں اور صوبہ سرحد میں پچھلے کئی سالوں سے جاری تشدد کی لہر نے نہ صرف لوگوں کے ذہنوں میں ملک کی ’سلامتی‘ کے بارے میں خدشات پیدا کیے ہیں بلکہ اس کی کھوکھ سے جنم لینے والے المیے متاثرہ افراد کی زندگیوں کے ساتھ ہمیشہ کے لیے نتھی ہو چکے ہیں۔ طالبان اور سکیورٹی فورسز کے مابین جاری لڑائی سے جنم لینے والے انسانی المیوں کے مختلف پہلووں کو صحافت کے تنگ دامن میں یا تو سرے سے جگہ ہی نہیں مل سکی اور اگر ملی بھی تو اس طرح نہیں جس طرح سے یہ واقعات رونما ہوئے اور یوں حقیقی کہانیاں صحافتی مقابلے کی دوڑ کے ملبے میں کہیں دفن ہوگئیں۔

پشاور میں بی بی سی کے نامہ نگار عبدالحئی کاکڑ جنگ زدہ افراد یا خاندانوں پر بیتی ہوئی انہی کہانیوں کی کھوج میں ہیں جنہیں بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام ایک سیریز کی صورت میں شائع کر رہی ہے۔ اس سلسلے کی دوسری کہانی۔

کلِکجنگ کہانی: پہلی قسط

اکرام اللہ (فرضی نام)، گوالیرئی، تحصیل مٹہ، سوات

’’یہ چھبیس اکتوبر دو ہزار آٹھ کی صبح کا واقعہ ہے۔ گوالیرئی گاؤں کی مسجد میں ستر کے قریب مقامی قبائلی رہنما طالبان کے نمائندے ملا شمشیر کے ساتھ بات چیت کرنے کے لیے اکھٹے ہوئے تھے۔ مذاکرات کے دوران یہ طے پایا کہ طالبان آئندہ گاؤں میں داخل نہیں ہونگے البتہ انہیں سڑک پر سے گزرنے کی اجازت ہوگی اور مشران نے طالبان کی یہ شرط مان لی کہ وہ فوج سے ملاقات کرکے انہیں گاؤں میں آنے سے منع کریں گے۔ قرآن مجید کو گواہ بنا کر درمیان میں رکھا گیا اور ملا شمشیر نے آخری دعا کردی۔

دو دن بعد انہوں نے ہم میں سے دو مشران کوگولیاں ماردیں اور انہیں باہر بجلی کے کھمبوں پر لٹکادیا۔ بعد میں انہوں نے تین یرغمالی مشران کو اس شرط پر چھوڑ دیا کہ وہ گاؤں کے لوگوں کو طالبان سے راضی نامہ کرنے پر قائل کریں۔ مشران نے گاؤں جا کر لوگوں کے سامنے دامن پھیلا پھیلا کر انہیں طالبان سے صلح کرنے پر راضی کرا لیا۔

اکرام اللہ

دعا کے بعد ملا شمشیر باہر نکل گئے اور مشران فوجی حکام سے مذاکرات کا طریقہ کار طے کرنے میں مصروف ہوگئے کہ چند منٹوں کے بعد ملا شمشیر مسجد میں دوبارہ داخل ہوئے اور کہا کہ ’امیر صاحب آگئے ہیں وہ تم لوگوں سے کچھ کہنا چاہ رہا ہے‘۔ تھوڑی دیر بعد ابنِ یامین، خوگ، غزنوی نامی طالبان کمانڈر اپنے تیس کے قریب ساتھیوں کے ہمرا جوتوں کے ساتھ ہی مسجد میں داخل ہوگئے۔

ان کے پاس کلاشنکوفیں، جی تھری بندوقیں تھیں اور انہوں نے اپنے جسموں کے ساتھ گرینیڈ اور دیگردھماکہ خیز مواد باندھ رکھا تھا۔ ابن یامین نے داخل ہوتے ہی اپنے ایک رشتہ دار ایوب سپین دادا پر کلاشنکوف کا برسٹ چلا دیا۔اس کے ساتھ ہی طالبان نے جرگے پر اندھا دھند فائرنگ شروع کر دی۔ گولیوں کے شور میں کسی کی بھی آواز سنائی نہیں دے رہے تھی۔ جب فائرنگ میں کمی آئی تو میں نے دیکھا کوئی کراہ رہا ہے، کوئی مردہ حالت میں، کوئی مسجد کے ستون کے پیچھے چھپا اور بعض لوگ کسی کونے میں گھٹڑیوں کی صورت میں بیھٹے ہوئے ہیں۔اس موقع پر پانچ افراد ہلاک اور سات زخمی ہوگئے۔طالبان نے باقی لوگوں پر بندوقیں تان کر انہیں یر غمال بنایا۔

انہوں نے سپین دادا کے چھوٹے بھائی بہر مند خان کو قتل کرنے کے بعد پاؤں سے پکڑ کر باہر مسجد کی صحن میں پھینک دیا اور ان کے دوسرے بھائی بر کمال کو ابنِ یامین نے زندہ پکڑ کر ان سے کہا کہ ’وہ تم ہی تھے جس نے مجھے دھمکی دی تھی کہ میں تمھاری آنکھیں نکال دونگا‘۔ یہ کہنے کے بعد اس نے بر کمال کی آنکھوں پر کلاشنکوف کی نال رکھی اور دو برسٹ مار دیے۔

اس کے بعد طالبان نے اندر آکر ایوب سپین داد اور ایک اور قبائلی رہنما کی لاش اٹھائی اور ان کے ہاتھ پاؤں کاٹ کر انہیں باہر ایک درخت پر لٹکادیا۔ابھی ہم ساٹھ سے زائد لوگ اندر ہی یرغمال تھے کہ باہر سے شدید فائرنگ کی آوازیں آنے لگیں۔ ہمیں ڈر لگا کہ کہیں گاؤں والوں نے ہماری مدد کے لیے طالبان پر حملہ نہ کردیاہو۔ ہمیں خوف تھا کہیں طالبان ہم سب کو مار نہ دیں۔

گاؤں میں جو دس سے زائد لوگ طالبان کو مطلوب تھے ان پر ایک ایک لاکھ روپے یا ایک کلاشنکوف دینے کا جرمانہ عائد کیا گیا جو انہوں نے بعد میں ادا بھی کر دیا۔

اکرام اللہ

یہ سلسلہ دس سے ایک بجے تک جاری رہا۔ اس کے بعد طالبان ساٹھ سے زائد یر غمالی مشران کو اپنے ہمراہ لے گئے اور ہمیں گاؤں سے تقریباً دو کلومیٹر دور اغل نامی پہاڑی علاقے کی طرف لے گئے۔ وہاں پر ہمیں ایک سکول میں رکھا گیا۔ وہ ہر وقت ہمیں مارتے تھے۔ خوفزدہ کرنے کے لیے ہمارے سامنے چھریاں تیز کرتے اور آ کر کہتے آج اس کو اور کل فلاں کو ذبح کرنے کی باری ہے۔

دو دن بعد انہوں نے ہم میں سے دو مشران کوگولیاں ماردیں اور انہیں باہر بجلی کے کھمبوں پر لٹکادیا۔ بعد میں انہوں نے تین یرغمالی مشران کو اس شرط پر چھوڑ دیا کہ وہ گاؤں کے لوگوں کو طالبان سے راضی نامہ کرنے پر قائل کریں۔ مشران نے گاؤں جا کر لوگوں کے سامنے دامن پھیلا پھیلا کر انہیں طالبان سے صلح کرنے پر راضی کرا لیا۔

اس کے بعد ہمیں چھوڑ دیا گیا۔ گاؤں میں جو دس سے زائد لوگ طالبان کو مطلوب تھے ان پر ایک ایک لاکھ روپے یا ایک کلاشنکوف دینے کا جرمانہ عائد کیا گیا جو انہوں نے بعد میں ادا بھی کر دیا۔ جب ہم واپس آئے توگاؤں والوں نے بتایا کہ پہلے دن جب وہ جاں بحق ہونے والے افراد کو دفنانے میں مصروف تھے کہ فوجی ہیلی کاپٹروں نے آکر فائرنگ کی جس میں تین افراد زخمی ہوگئے۔ جو لوگ باقی میتوں کو غسل دینے میں مصروف تھے وہ بھی بھاگ گئے۔

ہمارے گاؤں کے قریب پیر سمیع اللہ کا گاؤں ہے۔ وہاں پر جب لوگوں کو پتہ چلا کہ گوالیرئی پر طالبان نے حملہ کردیا تو انہوں نے لشکر بنایا اور ہماری طرف روانہ ہوگئے لیکن جب انہوں نے گاؤں پر ہیلی کاپٹروں کو شیلنگ کرتے دیکھا تو وہ واپس لوٹ گئے۔

میں سمجھتا ہوں کہ اگر ہماری فوج اور خفیہ ادارے طالبان کی پشت پناہی نہ کرتے تو ہم سوات کے لوگ ان مٹھی بھر افراد کا صفایا کردیتے۔‘

The death of a 'bad Talib'

The death of Pakistan's Taliban chief Baitullah Mehsud in an American drone attack has once again brought to the fore the differences between the 'good Taliban' and the 'bad Taliban'. Pakistan-based journalist Tahir Ali analyses the differences and conflicts within the Taliban, which is facing intensive military operations in both Afghanistan and Pakistan.

"The Taliban's Jihad against foreign forces in Afghanistan will not be affected if a Pakistani Taliban leader is killed on the other side of the Durand Line (which divides Afghanistan and Pakistan)," said Zabiullah Mujahid, the Taliban's spokesperson in Afghanistan, in the wake of reports that Pakistan Taliban chief Baitullah Mehsud was killed.

Zabiullah's assessment is right, as the death of Mehsud might be a big blow to the Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan, but not to the Afghan Taliban.

There were differences of opinion between the chiefs of the Taliban in the two countries earlier. Mullah Omer, the head of Afghan Taliban, has good relations with some elements in Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence and he doesn't want unrest in Pakistan.

But Baitullah Mehsud, along with his deputy Hakimullah Mehsud, carried out a number of attacks against ISI installations in Pakistan. Mehsud felt that there was no difference between the fight against Pakistani security forces and the fight against the forces of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation's forces in Afghanistan, as both are following same agenda.

His men preferred fighting in Pakistan instead of Afghanistan -- they termed Pakistani forces the 'near enemy' while NATO forces were branded the 'far enemy'.

Pakistani Taliban elements can be broadly divided into two groups, the 'good Taliban' and the 'bad Taliban'. A number of Pakistani politicians are of the view that Pakistan should promote the 'good Taliban' for its own interest rather than that of the United States.

'Good Taliban' are those who never target Pakistani armies and their focus remains on Afghanistan, while the 'bad Taliban' mainly attack Pakistani government installations and often seek refuge across the border.

The relations between the 'good Taliban' and the Pakistan government are based on the theory of 'mutual non-interference in each other's affairs'.

Qari Zainuddin Mehsud, the head of the anti-Baitullah group, is an example of this group. He enjoyed the support of state agencies, confronted Baitullah Mehsud and openly supported the Jihad in Afghanistan against NATO forces. However, Zainuddin Mehsud could not oppose Baitullah for a long time, as he was killed by his guard on June 23 this year.

Mullah Omer, one of the world's most wanted men, has good ties with Mullah Nazir, who has great influence over the agency's Wazir-dominated areas. South Waziristan is broadly divided into two parts -- Mehsud-built and Wazir-built. Mehsud is the largest tribe comprising 60 per cent of the population that lives in Sarokai, Kaniguram, Makin, Shakatoi and Sararogha, while 35 per cent of the populations is made up of Wazirs who are dominant in Wana, the headquarters of the agency, and its environs.

Mullah Nazir, a 'good Talib', enjoys good relations with the Pakistan government. His followers never attack security forces in the area and the army reciprocates by not disturbing his fighters while they cross the Durand Line. In 2006, Taliban forces in this part were also fighting against Pakistani security forces, under the leadership of commander Haji Omer, the cousin of slain Taliban commander Naik Muhammad.

Naik Muhammad had initiated an armed struggle against the Pakistani forces in South Waziristan. He later signed a peace agreement with the government but the accord was sabotaged when he was killed during a drone attack in 2004.

Haji Omer, popularly known for harbouring foreign militants, especially Uzbeks, succeeded Naik Muhammad. The aggressive Uzbeks carried out attacks against the security forces and local chieftains, which dampened the Taliban's popularity in the area. The Taliban elements in Afghanistan were concerned about this development, as they often crossed over to Pakistan, especially during winter.

When the public opinion against Haji Omer and the Uzbeks became stronger, Mullah Omer appointed Mullah Nazir, his blue-eyed boy, as the head of all Taliban factions in Wana and its surroundings. The newly appointed head of Taliban started cleansing operation against Uzbeks and their host Haji Omer -- they were ousted in March 2007.

Incidentally, Haji Omer and Uzbek militants were welcomed by Baitullah Mehsud, drawing the ire of both Mullah Omer and Mullah Nazir.

Hafiz Gul Bahadur, the head of the Taliban faction in neighbouring North Waziristan, follows a similar policy of opposing Jihad within Pakistan and focusing on the fight inside Afghanistan.
Gul Bahadur, a 'good Talib', enjoys the support of government agencies and of Mullah Omer. Maulana Sirajuddin Haqqani, the son of senior Afghan Jihadi Jalaluddin Haqqani, follows the same policy.

In 2006, when fighting erupted between Pakistani security forces and the Taliban at North Waziristan, Mullah Dadullah, a dreaded Afghan Taliban commander, brokered a peace deal between the two parties. Dadullah, who was killed later, wanted Waziristan to be a safe haven for Taliban fighters, and didn't want clashes with Pakistani security forces.

Gul Bahadur Wazir, the head of the Taliban in North Waziristan, initially fought against Pakistani security forces, but signed a peace deal with the government in 2006. However, in 2007, he broke the agreement, only to re-enter into a peace deal with the government. In June 2009, he again withdrew from the deal.

After Baitullah Mehsud's death, the state agencies are trying to create a rift in the Baitullah-led TTP, over the issue of leadership. State-owned media also carried some baseless reports that Hakimullah Mehsud and Waliur Rehman, both likely successors of Mehsud, have killed each other.

Some 'good Taliban' commanders, backed by Pakistani agencies, are trying to appoint some pro-government commander as the head of TTP. But members of the al-Qaeda and the Punjabi Taliban, who have good contacts with the TTP, have rushed to the area to appoint the new chief.
Hakimullah Mehsud is the strongest contender for the slot but Mufti Waliur Rehman is also not far behind in the race to succeed Baitullah.

According to a report, the ISI provided the Central Intelligence Agency with the requisite information needed to strike Baitullah Mehsud, as he was a 'bad Talib'. But will Pakistan help the CIA target other wanted militants, including Mullah Nazir, Hafiz Gul Bahadur or Sirajuddin Haqqani, who are considered 'good Talibans'?

Source

Some relevant comments:

A view for the USA

The Pakistani ISI and military want the Taliban as clients, not the other way around. There are, reportedly, plenty of convinced Islamists in uniform, but Pakistan's national objectives are all about India (as they always have been) and suppressing terrorism within Pakistan itself. This is new. The Pakistani Taliban's violent subversion in Pakistan has compromised what had been a long sponsorship of radical Islamist groups by the Pakistani security services. With Musharraf having put Kashmir on the back burner and the Americans in Afghanistan, the more bloodthirsty Islamists have seen the seizure of more territory in Pakistan itself as their best option.

It's hard to tell how much that has been changed by the Pakistani army's offensive in Swat and American decimation of factional Islamist leadership. Having said that, what I'd expect the Pakistani security services to do in response to an American withdrawal from Afghanistan is the reverse of Lindholm's prediction; they'd negotiate with Taliban factions to desist from further adventures within Pakistan in exchange for support of their effort to regain power in Afghanistan, and to take their al Qaeda "guests" with them. In brief, they'd seek to export their terrorism problem.

A Taliban movement exercising de facto control over much of the Pashtun-majority areas of Afghanistan but purged of al Qaeda elements can't be said to threaten our security. Taliban hosting al Qaeda elements who never leave Afghanistan are no threat either. It's a Taliban receiving intelligence and logistical support from Pakistan's security services, controlling Afghan territory and hosting al Qaeda elements able to use it as a sanctuary, coming and going as they please that we cannot permit. A military coup in Pakistan wouldn't be required for such a situation to arise.

By: Zathras

A view from Afghanistan

Kabul-based political analyst Fazal Raman Orya says that killing the TTP leader will have a short term positive impact on the security situation in Afghanistan, Pakistan and the region. [2] According to Orya, Mahsud was a main player for Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence and was killed at the ISI’s suggestion. “He was very powerful; he had more than 30,000 armed people but sometimes he was not listening to the ISI and was out of their control - that is why they decided to kill him.”

Orya says the ISI will now look for a good replacement and will reorganize the TTP structure. “The truth is that ISI wants to replace him with a new person. The new person will be more powerful than Mahsud but he will always be listening to ISI. Once Baitullah is replaced by the new person I think the situation will become much worse in Afghanistan.”

Source

Read more...

Maulvi Umar: Ye Ghazi Ye Teray Pur-israr Banday

Maulvi Umar

Thursday, 20 Aug, 2009

THE capture of Maulvi Umar, a success hot on the heels of the killing of Baitullah Mehsud, is another blow for the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan. Umar is the most high-profile of TTP leaders captured to date and, as a member of the TTP central shura, he will know much about the dynamics of that network, its strengths and weaknesses and its future plans. Hopefully, information obtained from Umar will lead to the capture and elimination of more militant leaders in the days to come. In the wake of Mehsud’s death, the succession issue has still not been sorted out by the TTP and indications are that the various commanders unified under Mehsud could soon seriously start fighting one another. Indeed, it appears that Umar was travelling to Orakzai Agency for consultations or to mediate on the succession issue. So, in such an already confused situation with the foot soldiers of the TTP potentially demoralised, the capture of a senior leader of the TTP could lead to rapid successes against its various factions.

Yet, Umar’s capture will cause renewed concern about the state’s tenuous writ in vast tracts of Fata. Initial media reports put the success down to the actions of a tribal lashkar in Mohmand, but it now appears that the individuals involved in Umar’s capture may in fact be pro-government Taliban fighters. And the ease with which Umar was reportedly travelling between the Mohmand, Bajaur and Orakzai agencies is also unsettling. No doubt Fata is a vast area of treacherous terrain and tracking the movement of small groups of people is very difficult. However, all three agencies that Umar was reportedly traversing are agencies in which the security forces have launched various operations in the recent past. Whatever the successes of those operations, clearly more, much more, remains to be done before the state can claim to have an acceptable degree of control over the situation there.

Indeed, the main question has yet to be answered: does the state have a coherent, workable plan for regaining some semblance of control over Fata and eliminating the safe havens of militants there? Complicating that question is the fact that it is not clear yet if the security forces are in the process of mopping up in Malakand division or whether they are hunkering down for a guerrilla war in the months ahead. If the security forces get bogged down in Swat, it is debatable whether they will seriously consider tackling the vastly bigger mess that is Fata. So while Maulvi Umar’s capture is a boon, it raises more questions than it answers. (Dawn)

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Tailpiece:

60 Taliban of Fazlullah group surrender in Swat

By Our Correspondent
Friday, 21 Aug, 2009

MINGORA, Aug 20: Sixty militants, a Taliban commander among them, surrendered themselves to security forces at the Kanju airport in Swat valley on Thursday.

Colonel Akhtar, a spokesman for the Swat media centre, said that Akbar Zada, the Taliban commander of Koza Bandai in Matta tehsil, was among the 60 insurgents who surrendered at the airport.

(News agencies identified the commander as Khurshid Khan).

Akbar Zada is said to be closely related to hard- line cleric and chief of Swat Taliban Maulana Fazlullah.

An army spokesman said the arrested militants would face cases filed against them by local people.

Meanwhile, two bullet-riddled bodies were found in Barikot area on Thursday morning.

Residents said that a group of masked men brought Zahoor Ahmed and Lal Baz from Nawagai to Barikot early in the morning and shot them dead.

Agencies add: Security forces conducted a search operation in Kukarai, killing two terrorists and arresting five Afghan nationals from Charbagh.

Three suspects were arrested during a routine check in Rashagatta and a terrorist training camp and 10 houses of militants were destroyed during the operation. (Dawn)

Read more...

One Maulvi Omar arrested; other "Maulvi Omars" still at large

Maulvi Omar was reportedly picked up while traveling in a tribal area by car close to the Afghan border.

Senior Taleban officials captured in Pakistan
Zahid Hussein in Islamabad

From Times Online
August 18, 2009

Pakistani security forces have captured a senior Taleban commander and a close associate of the slain militant leader Baitullah Mehsud, dealing yet another blow to the Islamists who present the biggest threat to the country’s security.

Maulvi Omar, who worked as a spokesman for Tehrik-e-Taleban Pakistan was arrested on Monday night when driving with two associates in the Mohmand tribal region bordering Afghanistan, according to Pakistani intelligence sources. He was apparently on his way to a secret meeting of top Taleban commanders, official sources claim.

Mr Omar was one of the most high profile of Taleban officials, who frequently called journalists claiming responsibility for terrorist attacks in Pakistan.

He had been keeping a low profile in recent months as Pakistani security forces launched offensives in the Mohamand region where he lived. Local officials said the arrest was made possible by the help of local anti-Taleban militia.

On Monday police also arrested another close associate of Mr Mehsud after he arrived in Islamabad seeking medical treatment.

Qari Saifullah, who was allegedly involved in several terrorist attacks in Pakistan had been injured during a US drone strike in South Waziristan police said. It was unclear whether it was the same US missile strike which killed Mr Mehsud on August 5.

Analysts said the capture of such high profile officials would further weaken the militant organisation which was already in disarray following the death of Mr Mehsud.

Senior Taleban commanders have been engaged in a fierce power struggle following their commander's death. There have been reports of violent clashes between the supporters of the two main contenders to his throne, Wali Ur Rehman and Hakimullah Mehsud. The Taleban shura (Council) has yet to choose between the two.

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طالبان ترجمان کیوں ضروری؟

ہارون رشید

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، اسلام آباد

’ہارون صاحب عمر خبرے کوم، مالا حکیم اللہ نمبر خو لگ راکئے۔ ستاسو ورسرا خبرا شوے دا خو زما رابطہ ورسرا نہ کیگی۔ (ہارون صاحب عمر بات کر رہا ہوں۔ مجھ حکیم اللہ کا نمبر تو دیں۔ آپ کی اس سے بات ہوی ہے لیکن میرا رابطہ نہیں ہو رہا۔)’

یہ ٹیلیفون کال مجھے موصول ہوئی کالعدم تحریک طالبان پاکستان کے مرکزی ترجمان مولوی عمر کی گرفتاری سے چند روز قبل جس میں وہ حکیم اللہ محسود کا نمبر مجھ سے مانگ رہے تھے۔

اس کال سے ناصرف فوجی کارروائی کے نتیجے میں شدت پسندوں کے رابطوں میں بظاہر کمی دکھائی دیتی ہے بلکہ ایک ترجمان کی مشکل بھی جو تنظیم کی قیادت سے دور بیٹھا ان کا موقف دنیا پر واضح کرنے کی ڈیوٹی باقاعدگی سے دے رہا تھا۔

افغانستان میں تو روسیوں کے خلاف مزاحمت کے وقت سے ترجمان کا عہدہ کافی پرانا ہے۔ لیکن پاکستانی طالبان نے ترجمان کے عہدے کو اس کی اہمیت مدنظر رکھتے ہوئے مستقل حیثیت سن دو ہزار چار میں دی تھی۔ اس سے قبل نیک محمد اور عبداللہ محسود جیسے شدت پسند خود اپنے ترجمان ہوا کرتے تھے۔

سن دو ہزار چار کے بعد طالبان نے مرکزی اور مقامی سطحوں پر ترجمانوں کا ایک باقاعدہ نیٹ ورک قائم کیا ہے۔ اس کی بڑی وجہ طالبان کا خوف ہے کہ کہیں نیک محمد کی طرح وقت بے وقت میڈیا سے گفتگو میں ان کے رہنماؤں کی زندگی کو خطرہ ہوسکتا ہے۔ لہذا قدرے کم اہم شخص کو ترجمان مقرر کر دیا جاتا ہے جو ضرورت پڑنے پر میڈیا سے رابطہ کرتا ہے۔

سب سے پہلے اس بابت شمالی وزیرستان نے پہل کرتے ہوئے عبداللہ فرہاد نامی ایک شخص کو وہاں کے مقامی طالبان کا ترجمان مقرر کیا تھا۔ اس کے بعد آج کل وہاں کی ترجمانی احمد اللہ احمدی کے حوالے ہے۔

لیکن تحریک طالبان پاکستان کے دسمبر دو ہزار سات میں قیام کے بعد مولوی عمر کو اس کا پہلا باضابطہ ترجمان مقرر کیا تھا۔ اس سے قبل بیت اللہ محسود کی ترجمانی کے فرائض حکیم اللہ محسود سرانجام دیتے رہے تھے۔

جہاں جہاں جنگ ہوئی وہاں وہاں طالبان کو مقامی سطح پر بھی ترجمان کی ضرورت پڑتی رہی۔ اس کی ایک مثال سوات میں طالبان کی جانب سے امریکہ پلٹ مسلم خان کو اپنا ترجمان مقرر کرنا ہے۔ اس کے علاوہ مقامی سطح پر ترجمان موجود ہیں لیکن میڈیا سے بات انتہائی اہم مواقعوں پر ہی کرتے ہیں۔ ان میں مہمند ایجنسی کے ترجمان شکیل ہیں جنہوں نے گزشتہ دنوں شبقدر میں ایک حملے کی ذمہ داری قبول کی۔

گزشتہ دنوں تحریک طالبان کی مرکزی قیادت کے بارے میں بار بار مختلف افواہوں کے سامنے آنے کے بعد تحریک نے اعظم طارق نامی شخص کو اس کا وزیرستان اور مرکزی قیادت کے لیے ترجمان مقرر کیا۔ تاہم ان کا کہنا تھا کہ ان کی تقرری سے مولوی عمر کو کوئی فرق نہیں پڑے گا اور وہ بدستور مرکزی ترجمان برقرار رہیں گے۔

ان ترجمانوں کے بارے میں اور کچھ واضح ہونا ہو ان کے بارے میں ایک بات کافی واضح ہے کہ ان کے نام کبھی بھی اصلی نہیں ہوتے۔ وہ اپنی ترجعع اور پسند ناپسند کے مطابق اپنے لیے نام چنتے ہیں۔ اب اعظم طارق جیسا نام قبائلی علاقوں میں قدرے غیرمعمولی ہے۔ کچھ لوگوں کو شک ہے کہ یہ دیگر شدت پسند تنظیموں جیسے کہ سپاہ صحابہ کے تحریک طالبان سے روابط ہیں جن کا ان ناموں سے اظہار ہوتا ہے۔

اب تک جو بھی ترجمان مقرر کیا گیا ہے اس کے لیے اہم ترین معیار شاید اس کا پشتو اور اردو میں ماہر ہونا ہی دکھائی دیتا ہے۔ اس کے علاوہ اس کی مشکل سوالات کا جواب گول کرنے کی صلاحیت بھی یقینا مدنظر رکھی جاتی ہے۔ ان ترجمانوں کا واحد ہتھیار ان کا موبائل فون ہی ثابت ہوا ہے۔ فوجی آپریشن ہوں یا ان کا دور وفاقی وزیر اطلاعات کا ملنا مشکل ہوگا لیکن ان کا نہیں۔ جب بھی ممکن ہوا فون کرکے یا تو خود رابطہ کیا یا پھر بات کر لی۔ اکثر یہ بھی صاف صاف صحافیوں سے کہا کہ ان کے موبائل میں پیسے نہیں لہذا انہیں فون کرلیں۔

اب تک طالبان ترجمان تو زیر عتاب ہیں اور ان کا اس قسم کے کسی تعلیمی ادارے میں داخلے کا امکان نہیں لیکن افغانستان میں طالبان ترجمان کے ساتھ کافی دلچسپ صورتحال رہی۔ کبھی تو ملا ضعیف کی طرح انہیں امریکیوں کے حوالے کر دیا گیا تو کبھی سید رحمت اللہ ہادی جیسے ایک عاد نے امریکی یونیورسٹی میں داخلہ بھی لیا۔

پاکستانی ترجمان شاید اتنے اہم نہیں لہذا انہیں امریکہ اپنے قبضے میں لینے کا آج تک طلبگار نظر نہیں آیا۔ ہاں امریکی اہلکار ان سے پاکستانی حراست میں شاید پوچھ گچھ ضرور کریں گے۔ یہی کچھ شاید مولوی عمر کے ساتھ بھی ہوگا۔ تاہم اعظم طارق کی ذمہ داریاں اب شاید مزید بڑھ جائیں تاہم ایک بات ماضی کے تجربے سے واضح ہے کہ وہ وفاقی وزیر اطلاعات سے زیادہ باآسانی صحافیوں کو دستیاب رہیں گے۔

...

Other Maulvi Omars at large (i.e., the unofficial spokeserspons of the Taliban and Al Qaeda in Pakistan):

1. Ansar Abbasi

2. Irfan Siddiqi

3. Hamid Mir

4. Javed Chaudhry

5. Dr. Shahid Masood

6. Dr. Shireen Mazari

Please do let us know if we missed any Taliban advocate in this list. We request the Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry to take suo moto action against these Taliban advocates for spreading deception, disinformation and hatred in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

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Tailpiece:

Qari Saifullah arrested in Islamabad

ISLAMABAD: Police on Monday arrested a key Taliban commander from Bhara Kahu who is allegedly responsible for several terrorist activities in the city, a police official told Daily Times. The official said Qari Saifullah, who was found injured and is being treated at a hospital, was a member of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan. He said Saifullah was a close associate of Baitullah Mehsud and an accomplice of another high-profile terrorist, Fidaullah, who had been arrested by the police two months ago. Saifullah told the police he had been wounded in a drone strike in South Waziristan. Police have also arrested Saifullah’s brother Zahid in Secretariat police precincts, a private TV channel reported. fazal sher/ap/ daily times monitor

Read more...

Two opposite perspectives on drone attacks and Baitullah Mehsud

Irfan Siddiqui (a pro-Taliban journalist) and Latif Chaudhry (a pro-democracy journalist) offer two opposite perspecitves on the US drone attacks on the Taliban/Al Qaeda hideouts in Pakistan.

(Irfan Siddiqui, Daily Jang, 12 August 2009)

(Latif Chaudhry, Daily Express, 12 August 2009)

Finall, why do journalist such as Irfan Siddiqui, Ansar Abbasi, Shahid Masood and Hamid Mir, and politicians such as Nawaz Sharif, Hamid Gul, Aslam Beg, Imran Khan, Qazi Hussain Ahmed have dual standards, Saleem Safi offers a critical analysis:

Read more...

Baitullah Mehsud's death, Rehman Malik and pro-Taliban journalists....

Question: Why is the pro-Taliban lobby of Pakistani jouranlists so much critical of Pakistan's Interior Minister Rehman Malik? Why are Ansar Abbasi, Shahid Masood, Irfan Siddiqi, Orya Mqbool Jan and other pro-Taliban journlaists (Dehshat Nigar) very sad for the last few days?

TTP confirms Mehsud dead, announces 15-day mourning

* Hakeemullah asks govt to prove Baitullah’s death
* US ‘pretty sure’ TTP chief dead

Staff Report (Daily Times)

TANK: The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) confirmed on Monday that the group’s chief, Baitullah Mehsud, had been killed in a US drone strike on Wednesday, and announced a 15-day mourning period, reported a private TV channel.

Newly-appointed TTP spokesman Azam Tariq told the channel the TTP would observe a ceasefire during mourning period. He said a successor to Baitullah had not been chosen yet.

But a close aide of the TTP chief demanded that the government prove Baitullah was dead.

“I challenge (Interior Minister) Rehman Malik to prove that Baitullah is dead,” Hakeemullah, who was reportedly killed in a shootout on Friday, told journalists over the telephone. Hakeemullah said, “I am alive ... I am here to prove that I am alive and so is Baitullah,” he said. “Baitullah is alive and healthy ... he will come before the media soon. There is no succession,” he said.

However, Hakeemullah’s statement that Baitullah is healthy contradicts a statement by another Taliban leader, Maulana Noor Syed, who claimed the TTP chief “is seriously ill”.

Meanwhile, the US is “pretty sure” that Baitullah has been killed, White House Deputy Press Secretary Bill Burton said on Monday. He said the development “shows that Pakistan has made progress in moving to root out extremists”.

Read more...

Baitullah Mehsud killed. Our condolences to Imran Khan, Ijaz-ul-Haq and Mullah Munawar Hasan

Is the despised leader of the Deobandi-Wahhabi alliance in Pakistan, namely Taliban (or Sipah-e-Sahaba or Al-Qaeda), finally killed? Is the spiritual son of General Zia-ul-Haq killed?

Our condolences to the supporters of Taliban, namely Ijaz-ul-Haq, Imran Khan, Qazi Hussain Ahmed, Mullah Munawar Hassan, and Mullah Fazlur-Rehman.

Here is a report by BBC News:

There are growing indications that Pakistan's most wanted man, Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud, has been killed by a US missile.

A Mehsud aide reportedly confirmed that he had died when a drone attacked the house where he was staying.

Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Quresh said the government was seeking "ground verification".

Taliban leaders have gathered in South Waziristan to choose a successor, local sources have told the BBC.

See a map of the region

ANALYSIS Orla Guerin, BBC News, Islamabad Mehsud's death would be seen in Pakistan as a huge step forward. He has been the country's most wanted man, blamed for a string of suicide attacks and also accused of being behind the assassination of the former Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto. He has also been on America's wanted list, with a price of $5m on his head. He is seen there as an al-Qaeda facilitator. In the past month or so, both the Pakistanis and Americans have been working hard to tighten the net around him, with US drone strikes but also with air strikes by the Pakistani authorities. If reports of his death are confirmed, this will be seen here as the elimination of a key enemy of this country and of a man who has caused the killing of hundreds of civilians.

Three names are under consideration says Abdul Hai Kakar, a BBC reporter based in Peshawar.

Hakimullah Mehsud, Maulana Azmatullah and Wali-ur-Rehman were all mentioned as possible successors.

People living close to the scene of the missile attack in South Waziristan told the BBC Baitullah Mehsud had been killed along with his wife early on Wednesday.

The remoteness of the location is contributing to the delay in establishing the facts, the BBC's Orla Guerin reports from Islamabad.

A US official said there was "reason to believe reports of his death may be true but it cannot be confirmed".

Previous reports of Baitullah Mehsud's death have proved to be unfounded.

South Waziristan is a stronghold of the Taliban chief, who has been blamed by Pakistan for a series of suicide bomb attacks in the country.

'Hit on the roof'

Kafayat Ullah, described as an aide to Baitullah Mehsud, told the Associated Press by telephone on Friday that his leader had been killed along with his second wife by a US missile. He gave no further details.

There is a sense of awe as this short, plump, bearded man greets us Syed Shoaib Hasan BBC reporter on meeting Baitullah Meshud in 2008 Tea with Mehsud Profile: Baitullah Mehsud Long war against the Taliban

The missile fired by the US drone hit the home of the Taliban chief's father-in-law, Malik Ikramuddin, in the Zangarha area, 15km (9 miles) north-east of Ladha, at around 0100 on Wednesday (1900 GMT Tuesday).

At the time of the attack, the Taliban leader was said to be on the roof, suffering from an illness for which he was taking medication, local people told our Peshawar reporter.

Some who had reportedly seen his body said that it had been half-destroyed by the blast.

Baitullah Mehsud was buried in the nearby village of Nardusai, the witnesses told our reporter.

Several of Baitullah Mehsud's relatives were also injured, local people told the BBC earlier.

Pakistan's foreign minister told reporters in Islamabad that "to be 100% sure [of the Taliban leader's death], we are going for ground verification".

One factor complicating verification of his death is the lack of photographs of the Taliban leader.

Pakistan's foreign minister: "We are going for ground verification"

When the BBC's Syed Shoaib Hasan went to interview him in South Waziristan in May 2008, he found himself sitting down before a short, plump, bearded man, reluctant to allow his picture to be taken.

Pakistan's interior minister, Rehman Malik, told the BBC that even if DNA could be recovered at the scene, the authorities did not have a sample from a male relative of the Taliban leader to compare it with.

.....

Deobandistan or Pashtunistan: The Taliban will survive Baitullah Mehsud
Sat Aug 8, 2009 4:12 pm (PDT)

The Taliban will survive Baitullah Mehsud

The Taliban may have been decapitated in Pakistan, but their success is not about the leadership of any one man

o Jason Burke
o guardian.co.uk, Friday 7 August 2009 17.00 BST

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/aug/07/taliban-pakistan-baitullah-mehsud

Behind the rise of Baitullah Mehsud in Pakistan lie factors that are not going to be resolved by a missile fired from a drone.

Firstly, there is the fusion of Pashtun tribal identity with a radical Islamic identity. The latter has only ever really thrived when grafted onto a sense of local belonging. Hamas in the Gaza Strip represent radical Islam and Palestinians. Al-Qaida in the Maghreb, about the only off-shoot of the terror group that is thriving at the moment, are, as their name suggests, firmly fixed on a real location. Al-Qaida in Iraq failed through being insufficiently Iraqi, reduced at the end to pretending leaders were from Baghdad when they were Egyptian. But the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) knew who they were and where they were from. They were Pashtuns from the Pakistani side of the frontier that has split their tribal lands for over a century.

In 1998 and 1999, I travelled widely in FATA (the Federally Administered Tribal Agencies or Areas) where the TTP and Mehsud were strongest. At the time, I met no hostility. In 2001, as bombs rained on Afghanistan, I travelled up into the Khyber Agency and was warned by Pashtun contacts that the Taliban’s war was their war. So, they added, was that waged by al-Qaida. This remains the case today. This intertwining of ethnic identity, religion and politics will take decades to undo.

Secondly, there is the marginalisation of the FATA’s population of four million within Pakistan. That Mehsud led the Pakistani Taliban indicates the residual attraction of the Pakistani state. The Pashtun tribes of the FATA have the lowest levels of literacy, economic development and infrastructural development of anywhere in Pakistan. They are not considered full citizens. Pushed to the margins, they are, in one sense, trying to fight their way into the centre of national political and economic life.

Thirdly, this marginalisation is reflected within the society of the North-West frontier too. The militants are often men who would normally be consigned to the edges of a tribe in terms of status, wealth and power. Mangal Bagh, a major militant leader in the Khyber Agency, is a former truck driver. Mullah Fazlullah, who masterminded the recent Taliban take over of Swat, worked as a labourer on Pakistan’s only ski lift. In Bajaur and Mohmand agencies, the pattern is repeated with senior militants including mechanics, small shopkeepers, itinerant religious teachers. Captured militants I interviewed in Bajaur last year confirm the trend. Mehsud himself has no formal education, only a basic religious understanding and no claim to any authority. He, like many other militants, also comes from a relatively minor sub-tribe and has thus been doubly marginalised. There are social dynamics to this war that escape the casual onlooker.

Finally, over the last three decades something that could be termed the “Deobandi complex” has emerged in the broad spread of land between the Indus and the central Afghan highlands. It is not a state but has virtually every other attribute of statehood short of printing stamps and money. There is religious homogeneity: the conservative southwest Asian Deobandi strand of Sunni Islam that has established itself with its system of mosques and free schools across the region. There is ethnic homogeneity: the Pashtuns. There is a commercial sector of big businessmen involved in smuggling, transport, timber, drugs and a range of legitimate businesses. There is political representation: parties such as Jamaat-e-Ulema-e-Islami. There is diplomacy with connections to the Gulf and elsewhere in the Islamic world. There are significant flows of cash in and out, often through remittances from overseas workers. There is a broadly accepted culture: the conservative, rural, re ligiously-infused values of the Pashun hill tribes. And there is a military: the various Taliban groups. It is unsurprising that those marginalised by other relatively unstable and relatively chaotic political entities € ¦’¶ such as Pakistan € ¦’¶ should look to find a home within Deobandistan or Pashtunistan or whatever name might eventually be put on its passport stamps.

Put all this together and it is fairly clear that drones may tackle symptoms but not causes. It is also clear why, as my colleague Declan Walsh points out elsewhere on this site, another Mehsud may well emerge soon.
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