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Showing posts with label Chaudhry Shujaat. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Chaudhry Shujaat. Show all posts

Tuesday, 10 November 2009

NRO Actually! (1st Instalment Of Truth)


Selection by: Jarri Mirza

Article written by: Marvi Sirmed

Before I write something about my own personal take on NRO and its legitimacy, I would like to analyze what it actually is and what it is about. While we hear a lot about in the media (generally biased against one party or the other), it is all the more necessary to look into what this word NRO means, what document it is and what it means to the politics in Pakistan. Since the writing could take many pages, and I’m doing it in detail clause by clause, I think we should make it easier for the reader to grasp the information in easiest possible way.

I would apologize from my lawyer friends for not writing this piece in a way they are used to read legislations in. And it is mainly because this piece is intended to serve lay people instead of technical professionals in the field of law. I would try my best to refrain from the legal jargon as far as it is possible. Even then, if there’s something beyond the understanding of a common person (me included), I would request the reader to kindly bring it in the comments so that we could collectively try to understand it. For the purpose of making the continuity easy, I’m calling these pieces “Instalments of Truth”, and this is the first instalment!

I often hear and read comments by lay-persons, saying that NRO was “signed” by Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. Now, here’s where the folly lies! NRO is an abbreviated form of National Reconciliation Ordinance 2007, which is a piece of legislation. Legislation, as we all know, is a forte of the parliament in a parliamentary democracy like Pakistan. Pakistan, like many other nation satates, follows West Minster style of parliamentary system (UK, India, Australia, Canada to name few of the parliaments that follow West Minster). There is a corresponding system of government, commonly called Jeffersonian Parliaments, commonly called Presidential form of government (mainly USA). In a West Minster style parliamentary system like the one followed by Pakistan, President is the ceremonial head of the state, who has limited role in legislation.

According to the powers conferred upon the president, by the Constitution of Pakistan 1973, the President can issue an Ordinance as a piece of legislation when the Parliament is not sitting. Exercising the same power, General (now retired) Pervaiz Musharraf issued an ordinance called National Reconciliation Ordinance 2007, commonly known as NRO. Since it was an Ordinance, it was signed by the President of Pakistan, not by any political party sitting outside the government at that point in time. It is however, debatable, how this ordinance came into being. Without getting into the details of its origin for the time being, we’d go to what it says. The readers can refer to the original text of the NRO wherever s/he deems necessary, which I’ve already put on one of my blogs under the link: http://marvi-sirmed.blogspot.com/2009/10/national-reconciliation-ordinance-2007.html

The Ordinance has seven distinct Sections. Section I deals with the title of the Ordinance as is the usual practice of drafting a legislation.

Section II deals with an amendment in the Criminal Procedures Code (CrPC), which has been there since 1898. This Section of NRO amends section 494 of the CrPC, which empowered only the Prosecutor Generals to withdraw pending Criminal cases. After the amendment introduced by NRO, the Boards at Federal and Provincial Levels could be constituted to review the cases pending from 1st January 1986 to 12 October 1999. These Boards will see if the accused persons in these cases have been falsely involved in these cases on politically motivated reasons. In this case, the Review Boards thus created, can recommend withdrawal of cases to the respected governments.

These Review Boards would be of two types: Provincial and Federal. The Provincial Boards will be chaired by respectable retired Judges of High Courts and will comprise Advocate General / Prosecutor General and the Provincial Law Secretaries. The Federal Board will be chaired by a retired judge of the Supreme Court and will have Attorney General and Federal Law Secretary as its member, while both of these Boards would be appointed by federal and provincial governments as the case may be.

It is noteworthy here that NRO does not bind the federal and provincial governments to act upon the recommendations of the Review Boards. So, if any of the government doesn’t want to withdraw any of the cases, there’s no binding on them to comply with the Boards’ recommendations. In other words, the status of the Boards is recommendatory, not obligatory. It should also be noted here that this particular clause was included on the insistence of MQM, who was part of discussions made on such legislation. The dates mentioned in this section provide cover to the criminal cases made on MQM during the period from 1986 to 1999.



Source: http://marvisirmed.com/?p=193

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Monday, 24 November 2008

Did ISI plan to kill Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry? Hamid Mir

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Saturday, 1 November 2008

Cannibalising the PMLQ

Just as the nation was trying to concentrate its mind on the financial crisis and the Balochistan earthquake, party politics has descended to its murkiest, with “forward bloc” rumours springing thick and fast in Islamabad and Lahore. In a nutshell, the former incumbent and now defeated PMLQ is at risk from splintering under the pressure of a boiling sub-surface rivalry between the federally ruling PPP and the Punjab-ruling PMLN. The PMLQ has sprung a forward bloc which is being bounced around by the two big parties, with no one emerging from the exercise covered with any glory.

The latest rumour from Islamabad, despite denials, is that Pakistan President and PPP Chief, Mr Asif Ali Zardari, is about to take the “rebels” of the PMLQ, Mr Riaz Fatiyana, Mr Ahmed Yar Hiraj and Ms Kashmala Tariq — some add Zubaida Jalal, Hamdan Bugti and Aslam Bodla — under his wing and give them ministries as reward for their perfidy. One is inclined not to credit the rumours but the fact is that there is a vocal forward bloc in the PMLQ and that it has put the nation on notice about its “availability” time and again. Their conscience tells them they can no longer remain in their old party. But that is not enough; the media attributes to them other ambitions too.

The intent of the PPP leadership can be understood as determination to consolidate the party’s majority in the parliament, especially as the coalition partner JUI is flexing muscle in the context of the developing situation in the Tribal Areas. The muscle, it should be understood, is flexed more if the majority is thin; it is more quiescent if the majority is strong and stable. But Mr Zardari is playing safe while making the promise of portfolios. The forward bloc will have to gather 24 like-minded rebels in the National Assembly to bring “an in-house change” of party leadership. His “signalling”, if it is indeed being done, can accelerate the process of splitting in the PMLQ.

Is the forward bloc obsessed with principles? From its past overtures to the PMLN it appears that it is not. Its members simply wish to be attached to a party that is in power. However, with the PMLN they have a special additional association. Many have been members of it in the past, but Mr Nawaz Sharif is not in a mood to “reconsider” his rejection of them. What is more, the PMLQ leader Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain has tried to patch up with his old boss but with little success. It is heard that some Nawaz League hawks who desire the PPP’s fall from power have actually hobnobbed with him, only to be rejected by Mian Sahib who will have no truck with “ghaddar” members.

But flexibility is endless. The PMLQ has been Janus-faced in Punjab. If the elder Chaudhry has knocked on the door of Mian Sahib, the younger Chaudhry and former Punjab chief minister Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi is rumoured to be keeping his door ajar for the overtures of the PPP Punjab governor, Mr Salmaan Taseer. The idea is to challenge the PMLN in Punjab if it becomes a part of the campaign to overthrow the PPP’s dominance at the centre.

Punjab politicians are inclined to “walk” to cross the floor more readily than politicians from other parts. But Mr Nawaz Sharif has his reserves of contempt for such politicians-on-skids because he experienced a mass desertion in his party in the 1990s and will not now relent without subjecting the Chaudhrys to the humiliating conditionality of “apologising” whose wording he would probably like to decide himself. But one can’t help noticing the temptation of “forgive and forget” among the PMLN hawks who give higher priority to the task of pulling the PPP down.

The PMLQ high command is acting to postpone the cannibalisation of its party by the two big ones. It has already “readjusted” policy to spare itself the stigma of being subservient to the policies of General Pervez Musharraf. It sings a different tune now about terrorism in the Tribal Areas and has joined the parliamentary majority that puts “talks” above “operations”. It knows it can’t easily break the PPP mindset about it being a “killer party” and also knows it can’t easily placate Mr Nawaz Sharif. Its instinct is to stay alive till the next elections create space for further shuffling of interests. (Daily Times)
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