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Showing posts with label Mubashir Lucman. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mubashir Lucman. Show all posts

Sunday, 20 September 2009

Eid moon-sighting discord attains another peak in Pakistan

Predictably, Eid has caused a split among the clerical community in Pakistan again, but this year a dangerous political element has been added to it. The ulema of Peshawar have celebrated Eid on Sunday while the rest of the country was fasting, an event looked upon with great distaste by Muslims all over the world. In fact the belief is that on Eid only Satan keeps the fast. The NWFP government joined its ulema in making the rest of the country look like the followers of Satan.

The crisis of this Eid has been compounded by the fact that the NWFP government put the country on notice beforehand that it was bound by the “unofficial” moon-sighting of a Peshawar mosque Masjid Qasim Khan, and would defer to the verdict of the ulema of Saudi Arabia who usually issue the edict of Eid a day in advance of the Pakistani Eid. Promptly, the Peshawar mosque ulema declared that moon had been sighted in 44 places in the province on Saturday. The federal Ruet-e-Hilal Committee led by Mufti Munibur Rehman had not even convened yet; and the Mufti lost no time in condemning the NWFP decision to celebrate Eid separately from the rest of the country.

There is a political odour to all this. Despite the ANP government’s decision to unite the territory of the Pashtuns under one Eid separate from the rest of Pakistan, it ended up dividing the ethnic community. The people of FATA, not a part of the NWFP, claimed sightings and celebrated Eid on Sunday, but the Malakand Division, the tribal area inside the province comprising one-fourth of the province’s territory, maintained its tradition of going with the Islamabad committee under Mufti Munibur Rehman. Yet there were unpleasant incidents of some villages breaking away from this pattern too. There is another entire division of Hazara where Eid is not linked to the Peshawar clerics.

The decision of the NWFP government to follow the Peshawar clerics has not produced the desired result, if the result desired was the creation of a “Pakhtunkhwa unity”. An intra-clerical division in the province occurred when the old MMA parties, the Jama’at-e Islami and the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), split over the Eid moon. Retired Jama’at chief Qazi Hussain Ahmad decided to go along with the Masjid Qasim Khan verdict; Maulana Fazlur Rehman of the JUI condemned the Peshawar verdict and caused his district, Dera Ismail Khan, to refuse the Sunday Eid. It is yet to be seen whether Qazi Sahib’s decision will cause a split within the Lahore-based Jama’at led by a Karachi-based firebrand amir.

Mufti Munibur Rehman has come out of the scrap a winner if you can look at the quarrel as a game. Some years ago he was physically assaulted by the NWFP ulema during a meeting of the moon-sighting committee. His position was becoming weaker by the day as the Deobandi dominance in Pakistan grew apace. He was under threat from the followers of Al Qaeda in Karachi and was condemned by many Pashtun ulema for having issued a fatwa against suicide-bombing. The NWFP government’s decision to side with the Peshawar ulema has produced unintended results. More lethally, it may have split the population of Balochistan too because of the decision of Maulana Fazlur Rehman to disagree.

Muslims are more literalist today than in the past. Their reluctance to rely on science has split them globally and, in Pakistan’s case, at the national level. Muslim scientists say they can give a mathematically perfect date of appearance of the Shawwal moon many years in advance. They say Muslim calendars can actually lay down the Eid days accurately. But no one listens to them: the rule is to see the moon with the bare eye. Saudi Arabia might have accepted the scientific view on the quiet, resulting in the strange phenomenon of Pakistan fasting on the day when the entire Arab world and the Muslims of Europe and America were celebrating Eid.

As time passes the thin line of the first-day crescent may not be visible at all because of the pollution that goes up daily and covers the evening sky. We may actually be left quarrelling with each other over something that we can longer see, and not because it is not there. (Daily Times)


Irfan Siddiqi offers a thought provoking analysis in the following article in Jang:

BBC's Mohamed Hanif writes on this topic:

' دو ملاؤں میں مرغی حرام'

محمد حنیف2009-09-18, 15:56

جس زمانے میں سیاستدانوں، جرنیلوں اور فلمی ستاروں کے ساتھ ساتھ مولوی حضرات کا مذاق اڑانے کی اجازت تھی اس زمانے میں یہ مقولہ عام تھا کہ دو ملاؤں میں مرغی حرام۔blo_hanif_moon_150.jpg

رمضان شریف کے دوران جب آٹے، چینی اور پکوڑوں کی آسمان سے باتیں کرتی قیمتوں کے بارے میں خبریں سن سن کر لوگ تھک جاتے ہیں تو ایک بار پھر آسمان کی طرف دیکھتے ہیں اور سوچتے ہیں کہ ہمارے وہ علماء حضرات جو رویت ہلال کمیٹی میں شامل ہیں انہیں عید کا چاند نظر آئے گا یا نہیں۔ صوبہ سرحد میں عید ایک دن پہلے ہوگی یا نہیں۔ نیل کے ساحل سے لے کر تابخاکِ کاشغر تک خواب دیکھنے والے یہ مرثیہ پڑھتے نظر آتے ہیں کہ دنیا کے تمام مسلمان ایک دن عید کیوں نہیں منا سکتے؟

بچپن سے ہم لوگ یہ منظر دیکھتے آئے ہیں کہ علماء حضرات کا ایک جتھا کبھی حبیب بینک پلازا کی بلڈنگ پر اور کبھی واپڈا ہاؤس کی چھت پر چڑھ کر آسمان کی طرف یوں دیکھتا ہے جیسے ان کا کچھ کھوگیا ہو۔ اگر ان حضرات میں سے کوئی آپ کو سڑک کے کنارے کھڑا نظر آئے تو آپ انہیں نابینا سمجھ کر سڑک پار کروانے کی پیشکش کریں گے۔ ان سب کو اکٹھے دیکھ کر لگتا ہے کہ اگر چاند ان کے اوپر بھی آکر گرے تو شاید نہ پہچان پائیں۔

اس تمام معاملے میں صرف پشاور والے مولوی حضرات اپنی من مانی کرتے ہیں، روزہ بھی ایک دن پہلے رکھتے ہیں اور رویت ہلال کمیٹی کو منہ چڑا کر عید بھی پہلے مناتے ہیں۔ لیکن اس دفعہ ان مولانا حضرات نے یہ تجویز دی ہے کہ پورے پاکستان کو عید مکے والوں کے ساتھ مل کر منانی چاہیے اور ساتھ یہ بھی کہہ ڈالا کہ اس طرح رویت ہلال کمیٹی کی بھی ضرورت نہیں رہے گی۔

صوبہ سرحد میں اے این پی کی حکومت نے بھی ان کی حمایت کر ڈالی (اگلا مطالبہ غالباً یہ ہوگا کہ اگر صوبہ سرحد کا نام پختونخواہ رکھنے پر اتفاق نہیں ہوسکتا تو اس کا نام صوبہ یثرب رکھ دیا جائے)۔

بہرحال آٹے کی لائن میں لگے لاٹھیاں کھاتے عورتوں اور بچوں کی تصویریں دکھا دکھا کر تھک جانے والے نیوز چینلوں کو ایک ہلکا پھلکا موضوع ہاتھ آگیا۔ کیا چاند ننگی آنکھ سے دیکھنا فرض ہے؟ کیا چاند کے حساب سے کیلنڈر بن سکتا ہے؟ قرون اولیٰ کے مسلمان عید کا فیصلہ کیسے کرتے تھے؟ ایسے موضوعات ٹی وی پر زیر بحث آتے ہیں تو لگتا ہے روزہ دار میزبان ثواب بھی حاصل کر رہے ہیں اور مزہ بھی لے رہے ہیں۔

ایسے میں میں نے حضرت مولانا منیب الرحمٰن کو ایک ٹی وی پروگرام میں چراغ پا ہوتے دیکھا۔ جو نہیں جانتے انہیں بتاتا چلوں کہ حضرت نہ صرف رویت ہلال کمیٹی کے چیئرمین ہیں بلکہ خودکش حملوں سے لے کر میرا کی شادی تک ہر اس مسئلے پر فتویٰ دینے کے لیے تیار رہتے ہیں جو امت مسلمہ کو درپیش ہو۔

حضرت نے فرمایا کہ چونکہ مکے کے ساتھ عید منانے اور رویت ہلال کمیٹی کو ختم کرنے کا فتنہ پشاور کی مسجد قاسم خان سے شروع ہوا ہے اس لیے حکومت کو چاہیے کہ وہ اس کے خلاف کارروائی کرے۔ پھر انہوں نے حکومت کا حوصلہ بڑھانے کے لیے کہا کہ جس طرح اس نے صوبہ سرحد میں شر پسندوں کے خلاف کارروائی کی ہے اسی طرح مسجد قاسم خان والوں کے خلاف بھی کارروائی کرے۔

تو ہمارے سپہ سالار جنرل کیانی صاحب اپنی ڈائری میں نوٹ کرلیں کہ جب وہ مالاکنڈ اور وزیرستان کے فوجی آپریشنوں سے فارغ ہو جائیں تو مسجد قاسم خان پر توجہ دیں جہاں کچھ لوگ مفتی منیب الرحمان کی نوکری کے پیچھے ہاتھ دھو کر پڑے ہوئے ہیں

Nazir Naji's columns in Daily Jang (Taken from Adnan Khan's blog, which offers a different perspective http://kadnan.com/blog/2006/11/01/moon-sighting-issue-religious-or/):















....

Some Comments:
  • 20/09/2009, 11:12 AM,
  • sajjadbutt Lahore :

آپ کو شاید معلوم نہيں کہ مرکزی رويتِ ہلال کميٹی کوسپارکو اور نيوی کے نيويگيشن ونگ کی مکمل معاونت حاصل ہوتی ہے اور سپارکو کی رپورٹ کے مطابق ہفتہ کی شب ملک کے کسی حصے ميں چاند نظر آنےکا کوئی امکان نہيں تھا۔ پچھلے پندرہ بيس سال کے ميرے ذاتی مشاہدے ميں کبھی ايسا نہيں ہوا کہ اتفاقاً ہی سہی مگر کبھی مسجد قاسم علی خان کا چاند سعوديہ کی بجائے رويتِ حلال کميٹی کے ساتھ نکل آيا ہو۔ لہذا اصل مسئلہ سب کےسامنے ہے

  • 20/09/2009, 11:45 AM,
  • muhammad rehan :

جب اسلام ميں واضح طور پر چاند ديکھ کر عيد منانے کا حکم ہے تو پھر سعودی قوم کی پيروی کرنے کا کيا مطلب ہے۔ کيا پشاور والے سعودی کو اپنا رہبر سمجھتے ہیں اور اگر ايسا ہے تو کيا خوب ہے

  • 20/09/2009, 09:59 AM,
  • sana khan :

ميری تو يہ سمجھ نہيں آتا کہ وہ مولوی حضرات جنہيں آتا ہی نظر زيادہ ہے انہيں کہاں سے اتنا باریک چاند نظر آجائے گا۔ ويسے تو جديد سائنس کی ہر ايجاد سے يہ لوگ دونوں ہاتھوں سے فائدہ اٹھانے ميں مشغول رہتے ہيں پھر چاند ديکھنے کے لیے سائنسی طريقہ کيوں نہيں اپناتے۔ گورنمنٹ کو بہادری دکھاتے ہوئے اندھوں ميں بکانے سردار کے مترادف ہر سرکاری و غير سرکاری رویت ہلال کميٹيوں کو ختم کر دينا چاہيے

  • 19/09/2009, 04:21 PM,
  • میثم زیدی :

صوبہ سرحد کا رویت ہلال کا مسئلہ ملائیت کی پیداوار سے بڑھ کر اب ایک سراسر قبائلی مسئلہ بن چکا ہے۔ قبائلی مسائل میں انا پرستی کی تلوار اکثر سچائی کا سر قلم کر دیتی ہے اور اس کی تصدیق ٹی وی پر صوبہ سرحد کے ملاؤں کا ایک موقف دیکھ کر ہو جاتی ہے جو سارے پاکستان پر اپنی قبائلی روایات تھوپنے کے درپے ہیں

....

Finally, shame on the narrow-minded, sectarian and anti-Ahmadi rhetoric of Mullah Ghulam Ahmed Bilour. Mr. Bilour, are you a follower of great Bacha Khan, or a blind disciple of Mullah Omar?

Here is an analysis on ANP versus Mufti Muneebur-Rehman debate by Haroon-ur-Rasheed.

...




Mubashir Lucman reveals the role of bookies (gamblers) in the moon-sighting discord:


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Thursday, 17 September 2009

Zardari is the most corrupt president Pakistan ever had...


An analysis by Mubashir Lucman exposing yellow journalism prevalent in the Pakistani media.

Asadullah Ghalib wonders if PML-N is really serious in Musharraf's trial under Article 6.

Can we move on, please?
By Irfan Husain
Saturday, 19 Sep, 2009
—APP/File Photo
Many politicians and pundits in Pakistan simply cannot let go of this issue. They insist that a trial is needed to prevent military coups in future. They forget that the real deterrent for power-hungry generals is not the hanging of one of their predecessors, but a popular and effective elected government. In short, good governance is a better guarantee of constitutional rule than a dead general. —APP/File Photo

AS I try and follow events in Pakistan from a distance on the Internet and cable TV, I find that of late, all the country’s problems seem to have disappeared, leaving only the issue of Musharraf’s fate to be resolved.

Day in and day out, TV chat shows and newspaper editorials discuss the pros and cons of trying the ex-president. Politicians and pundits talk of little else. The entire nation seems to be fixated on this one cause. To hear some of the great and the good on the subject, we could be excused for thinking that once Musharraf has been tried and punished, we would have solved all our problems.

The assumption of guilt is taken for granted, and indeed, there seems little doubt that the ex-dictator violated the constitution more than once. I am no constitutional expert, but it is clear that by sacking an elected government and seizing power in 1999, he committed a capital offence. However, de jure is not de facto.

Musharraf was not alone in mounting his coup. Indeed, he was not even on Pakistani soil when 111 Brigade in Rawalpindi moved to take over the reins of power. No doubt these early steps were taken as part of a contingency plan worked out earlier, but the fact is that Musharraf had issued no direct orders to his subordinates while he was airborne on that fateful flight from Colombo 10 years ago.

So if Musharraf is to be tried, all his junta of corps commanders and senior generals, as well as subordinate officers who led 111 Brigade, would have to be tried with him. Then there are the judges who granted Musharraf the constitutional cover to govern. Next come the members of parliament who elected him in 2002. Finally, if he is deemed to be a usurper by the court, then all his orders and actions would also be illegal.

Can we really afford to open this can of worms? I love legal dramas as much as anybody else, but Musharraf’s trial would run for months, even years. Those who demand that we need to put a dictator in the dock to end military intervention once and for all have a point. Perhaps an example needs to be set to deter ambitious generals.

The question is whether we need this distraction at this critical juncture. We should also remember that as an institution, the army protects its own. While there appears to be little stomach in the current high command to trigger a confrontation with an elected government, voices in GHQ would certainly demand that their ex-chief, as well as many senior serving and retired officers, be kept out of the dock.

In an ideal world, I would be among those clamouring for a trial. We have suffered at the hands of tin-pot dictators for far too long to let yet another one escape to a comfortable retirement. But there are times when revenge has to be put aside in the interest of larger considerations. With the army finally engaged in fighting the deadly threat posed by the Taliban, the last thing it needs is to be distracted from the hard task at hand.

Gen Kayani, the present army chief, would be placed in an impossible position, with his loyalty to the army pulling in one direction, while his oath to defend the constitution demanding that he give evidence against his ex-boss.

Other matters require the attention of our politicians, none among them more urgent than establishing the legitimacy and effectiveness of civilian rule.

Should Musharraf actually be brought to trial, he is not the kind of man to meekly plead guilty and accept his punishment. He would want to drag down as many people with him as he could, and would make many accusations against the politicians he hated. Much dirty linen would be washed before a public glued to their TV sets. And as charges and counter-charges flew back and forth in the court and in the ether, the tenuous working relationship between the PPP and PML-N would be strained to a breaking point and beyond.

The regional situation also requires a consensus between the government, the opposition and the army. After a highly controversial election in Afghanistan, the internal situation now seems shakier than ever. And with the Taliban gaining in strength and momentum, western governments are coming under increasing pressure to end, or at least limit, the involvement of their troops. All these factors will demand a clear response from Pakistan.

We should be under no delusion that an extended and divisive trial would create a power vacuum in Pakistan, one that hostile forces would exploit. Balochistan is still seething; the domestic economy is reeling from protracted power shortages; and above all, the global economy is struggling to emerge from the recent recession.

Pakistani governments have not distinguished themselves by their efficiency at the best of times. And these are not the best of times. Do we really want the entire power structure of the country to be convulsed by a protracted legal battle that is reflected in the political arena as well?

And although it should not be relevant to the discussion, the fact is that over the years, we have allowed Saudi Arabia an enormous degree of leverage in our internal affairs. When King Abdullah sent an official plane to London to ferry Musharraf to the Saudi capital where he ensured a red-carpet welcome for his guest, he was sending a signal to Pakistani politicians. This message was underlined when he summoned Nawaz Sharif to tell him to back off.

Clearly, the Saudis regard Musharraf as a friend, and would not want to see him tried and sentenced. I’m sure that the Americans have conveyed the same message, although perhaps a little less obviously. Although denied later by a government spokesman, President Zardari has admitted that foreign powers with an interest in Pakistan did have a hand in brokering a safe-passage for Musharraf.

Despite all these reasons for moving on, many politicians and pundits in Pakistan simply cannot let go of this issue. They insist that a trial is needed to prevent military coups in future. They forget that the real deterrent for power-hungry generals is not the hanging of one of their predecessors, but a popular and effective elected government. In short, good governance is a better guarantee of constitutional rule than a dead general.

irfan.husain@gmail.com



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