An agenda for news

Thursday, October 01, 2009 Kamila Hyat The writer is a freelance columnist and former newspaper editor The question of what makes news is one that is becoming increasingly relevant. Every day, we are assaulted by TV talk shows and hosts who claim to put issues before us. In many ways these shows, which have huge viewership, set the agenda for what is discussed and debated at various places. They have as such drawn out the framework for what people see as 'politics'. They have also, without hesitation, offered to dubious former intelligence men and others the platform from which they have made their recent series of disclosures – allowing them to serve whatever purpose motivated them to emerge en masse. In the past, similar space has been offered to pro-Taliban clerics and to others who see little evil in violence. Through the month of Ramazan many of the major shows have projected the cause of charities of all kinds. This was obviously intended as a social service – and it has had the positive effect of drawing attention to the illiterate, the sick, the blind, the disabled and the destitute who exist on the fringes of our society. Donations have poured in to the many organizations that do such an excellent job of helping those in need. But somewhere an important message was ignored. The state of Pakistan must assume more responsibility for the plight of its citizens and divert funds to tackle the hunger and deprivation that exists everywhere. This, in many ways, is an even bigger issue than that of political alliances or the tensions between different wings of government that we hear about daily, often from guests who hustle from one studio to the next. The link between poor governance and the situation of people has yet to be made. In many ways the media serves the interest of an incompetent government by failing to take up these critical issues and thus allowing it to avoid making these a priority, though of course this should not be an excuse to the indifference that we see to the worsening plight of people. In recent months we have seen multiple stories about parents forced by poverty to sell children. There were accounts ahead of Eid of fathers who, faced with an inability to buy new clothes or shoes or even food, killed themselves, and sometimes their families as well. These reports hardly ever make it beyond the single column item, placed well beyond the outer pages. Misery is not on the media agenda. As a result the volume of despair grows. So too does the gap between people and a state that has been unable to fulfil its most basic responsibilities to them. Scattered around the Internet and buried in reports from different agencies are the figures that testify to the situation we live in. Levels of hunger are 'alarming', significantly higher than those in most South Asian countries and matching levels in Sub-Saharan Africa. Child malnutrition is rampant. More than 33 per cent of a population that has continued to grow with little check live below the poverty line. Millions of others hover close to this mark. Almost a half of this sea of people is illiterate. A person somewhere in the country goes blind every minute, often because they lack the means to seek help. Many others die from preventable disease. Campaigns such as that to contain polio have suffered severe setbacks due to mismanagement. These issues rarely make news. Neither do many others. The loss of parks in congested cities such as Karachi, the blatant chopping down of trees in Lahore to make way for plazas such as those that have crept up along M M Alam Road, the poisoning of land due to indiscriminate pesticide use, the means used to increase milk production by injecting animals with hormones or the steroids used to expand the volume of meat obtained from poultry or cattle are matters that are routinely relegated to 'feature' pages and magazines. Journalists are trained to treat these as 'soft' news, unfit to make news pages. There is a kind of macho pride involved in insisting that the existing divide between 'hardcore news' and 'social problems' must be retained. The inches on front pages are reserved almost invariably for statements, speeches and reports that focus on the chaotic political happenings that unfold daily. The question of how meaningful these are to the lives of people has not been sufficiently explored. But losing tree cover or forcing people to consume food that is effectively poisoned directly effects the quality of life of almost everyone. It is for this reason that such issues have increasingly stolen away space from the politicians in many countries. In India, the strident efforts by some sections of the media to take up issues of the environment and of pollution have played a part in the ushering in of new legislation. Today, around the world and at home too, the role of the print media – particularly of daily newspapers – is being questioned. In a time of 'instant' news from the TV channels and over the Internet, few wait for the papers to land on their doorstep to read about the latest bomb blast or the contents of political speeches. Research also shows that globally more and more readers are accessing papers over the Internet, leading to debate over whether they should be made to pay for these services. The attempt by newspapers to go in for more in-depth reporting – even though this can lead to sensationalism in some cases – indicates some awareness of a changed environment. But perhaps they need to think of more rapid evolution to survive in it and create a distinct niche for themselves. This has happened in many places around the world. One route is to set new agendas as to what constitutes news and how people's lives are affected by events of all kinds that take place around them. For editors and journalists, this is a challenge. Breaking away from the established norm is never easy. Media interests are increasingly tied in with political and commercial ones. But in times of recession bold tactics are necessary. The print media – freed by the 24-hour news channels from its traditional responsibility of delivering news and doing so ahead of its competitors -- can chalk out a new path. It has been offered a new liberty it must take advantage of. By doing so it may find it has served the interests of people and itself, ending the uniformity we see on most channels and widening the notion of what constitutes news in a nation beset with many problems and challenges. Email: kamilahyat@hotmail.com (The News)

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Attempting to distinguish between extremist groups is pointless. The cancer as a whole needs to be excised.

The north-south nexus

Thursday, September 24, 2009 Kamila Hyat The writer is a freelance columnist and former newspaper editor The operation against the Taliban militants continues in the north. The government has happily lapped up the praise this has brought in. Rewards in the form of cash handouts are eagerly anticipated and the government is keen these be handed over directly to it. But how much does the victory in Swat actually mean? In some ways at least it is not insignificant. A clear signal of unwillingness to do business with the militants has finally been delivered. The military appears to have been persuaded of the need to go in against them without holding back. Key arrests made over the past few days point to a new determination. The initially sceptical people of Swat now seem more convinced that this time round the operation is indeed intended to go beyond the cosmetic and achieve the defeat of the Taliban who had controlled the area for months. But despite this, there is some question as to how far the overall picture has changed. The series of devastating suicide attacks we have seen since August – at the Torkham border post, in Mingora and in Kohat – is evidence the Taliban remain operational. There have been other attacks as well, claiming fewer lives but also signalling that it is far too early to claim victory over terrorists. Meanwhile, a UK newspaper has described the establishment of a 4.5 acre compound by the Jaish-e-Muhammad on the outskirts of Bahawalpur. Quite bizarrely, the group, banned in 2002, says this is intended to raise cattle. Officials in the town take the same line. They do not explain why the cattle – no matter how well they are to be cared for – need fountains, a tiled swimming pool, a playground or elaborate housing quarters. Perhaps more important is the question of why the group, headed by Maulana Masood Azhar, has been able to continue functioning quite openly despite the ban placed on it over seven years ago. The answer quite obviously lies in the fact that outfits like the JeM had, at one point at least, agency support. Azhar, who had links with Somali-based Al Qaeda-sponsored groups, was the 1990s active in Indian-held Kashmir where he had gone to broker a deal between warring factions of Kashmiri groups involved in ‘jihad’. Azhar was arrested by the Indians in 1994 – and was freed in 1999 on the demand of hijackers who took an Indian passenger aircraft to Kandahar, then controlled by the Taliban. Azhar returned to Pakistan, has addressed large gatherings on various occasions and like Hafiz Muhammad Saeed of the Lashkar-e-Taiba, is thought to enjoy ‘protection’ from powerful quarters. This would explain why both men have so far evaded arrest. This attempt to distinguish between the ‘jihadis’ engaged in the past in Kashmir and the ‘terrorists’ active in the north obscures the message as far as battling militancy is concerned. Such lines cannot be drawn up between forces engaged in violence and the spread of extremism. Both inflict similar damage. There are plenty of accounts of boys trained at madressahs in Punjab joining hard-line militant forces based in tribal areas. The policies that have in the past led to these ‘jiahdi’ groups, many based in the Punjab, being patronized must be reversed. The government needs to step in and ensure this. There is a third category of militants. The blood-thirsty sectarian killers who make up the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan and its even more violent offshoot, the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi. These forces too, despite bans, remain operative and have been involved in recent attacks on Christians. Independent investigators suspect they have done so with at least tacit official support from local administrations and police. The different groups are not entirely isolated from each other. Indeed, the ruthless young leader of the Tehrik-e-Taliban, Hakeemullah Mehsud, emerged from the SSP. So did his cousin, Qari Hussain, another Taliban commander who holds expanded power since the death of Baitullah Mehsud and is known for his fondness for personally carving ‘enemies’ into small pieces with knives and for brainwashing children into becoming suicide bombers. Indeed, even the Afghan Taliban, who intervened to end a power struggle following the death of Baitullah, are said to be wary of the flamboyant Hakeemullah and may have preferred to see the more sedate Waliur Rehman in command. However Wali was given charge of the crucial Waziristan region and overall command was given to Hakeemullah to avoid a split of the Taliban, which at one point had seemed almost inevitable. Hakeemullah and Qari Hussain are known to retain links with the SSP and could be a factor in the recent resurgence in activity seen from them. It is clear Hakeemullah wishes to make his mark quickly. The new TTP chief, unlike his introverted predecessor, is known for his media savvy. Late last year he had invited a group of rather scared journalists from NWFP to introduce himself to them. The contingent wound its way up in five vehicles to an Orakzai Agency village. They were invited to a shooting contest by Hakeemullah and treated to the spectacle of the commander hurling a grenade or two to demonstrate his expertise with all kinds of weapons. Tribesmen guarding him meanwhile directed a wild volley of bullets towards an aircraft that they said was a US drone but which some journalists thought was a passenger aircraft. Most who attended the unusual media conference returned somewhat shaken and were left in no doubt at all about Hakeemullah’s ambition or his disregard for human life. The fact that he has established contacts with Punjab-based forces makes the picture all the more alarming. It is possible these groups may be used in an effort to spread the net of terror beyond the tribal areas. The fact that more and more interconnections exist between terrorist forces based across the country, even though there may be slight differences in their ideological emphasis, makes it crucial that they be dealt with in a similar fashion. Only then can there be any real hope of tackling extremism and stopping the social havoc it has already created. Attempting to distinguish between groups and pare away some using a fine surgical blade is pointless. The cancer as a whole needs to be excised and extremist groups tackled no matter where they are based. The task at hand has already been neglected for far too long. This means it is now more difficult to complete. The success in Swat, however, suggests a way forward. Similar strategy, combined with intelligence as to the working of the various groups and the way they operate, must now be adopted to save the state from the threat they present. Email: kamilahyat@hotmail.com (The News)

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Country for sale?

Dawn Editorial
Monday, 14 Sep, 2009

Farmers harvest their wheat crop at a farm on the outskirts of Lahore. According to a recent study, Pakistan is at 'extreme risk' in terms of food security. -Photo by APP

PROVINCES

‘Agriculture reforms commission’ demanded for Sindh

AMERICAN drone attacks against the Taliban are routinely condemned as violations of national sovereignty. But there is little criticism of how our own government is threatening the country’s territorial integrity by engineering the lease of millions of acres to foreign investors. It seems that the democratically elected government, ostensibly a people-friendly administration, has wholeheartedly embraced the Musharraf regime’s corporate agriculture farming (CAF) policy. Arab conglomerates are to be leased vast tracts of land and will be allowed to repatriate all produce and profits, even in the case of a food deficit. This much has been confirmed by the federal minister for investment, and it is said that foreign-owned farms will also enjoy extended tax and rent holidays. All this has been decided without tabling the move in parliament. This is a gross injustice to the people of Pakistan and stands in clear violation of the UN General Assembly resolution on Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources.

No long-term benefits will accrue from such deals. True, the government will receive cash payments that will most likely fund the day-to-day profligacy of Pakistani officialdom. But that’s about it. Corporate farming, which is capital-intensive, will not generate significant employment and may well lead to an increase in rural poverty. Input levels will be high, yet no details have been provided of how the water and electricity needs of these huge farms are to be met. Will water be diverted from the irrigation network, compounding the misery of small-scale farmers who are finding it hard as it is to make ends meet? Will water flows be depleted further to cater to these corporate farms that will not contribute a single grain to our food stocks? Has any thought been given to how reduced river flows will speed up sea intrusion, which has already devastated vast swathes of the coastline? Perhaps these mega farms will rely on an army of tube wells, in which case the water table in places like Balochistan will be lowered even further, much to the detriment of local farmers.

According to a recent study, Pakistan is at 'extreme risk' in terms of food security. A combination of climate change, deforestation, poor water management and a burgeoning population has led to food scarcity and the problem will worsen in the coming years. Yields need to be raised through modern, water-efficient farming techniques and this is not possible without hefty government support. Also, access to credit must be made easier for farmers. This is the time to help local farmers and landless peasants, not wealthy foreigners and their food needs.

کارپوریٹ فارمنگ، مشرف دور کے قانون کا نتیجہ

آصف فاروقی

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، اسلام آباد

زمینوں پر کام کرنے کے لیے مقامی افراد کو ترجیح دی جائے گی

سعودی حکومت اور پاکستان کے سرمایہ کاری بورڈ کے درمیان پاکستان میں زرعی زمین پٹے پر دینے کے لیے جو روابط ہوئے ہیں ان کی بنیاد سابق صدر پرویز مشرف کے دور میں بننے والا ایک قانون ہے جس کے تحت حکومت کسی بھی ملک، غیر ملکی فرد یا کمپنی کو ملک کے چاروں صوبوں میں لامحدود زرعی زمین آسان شرائط اور پرکشش مراعات پر زرعی استعمال کے لیے فروخت کرنے یا پٹے پردینے کی مجاز ہے۔

حکومت پاکستان کو یہ اختیار سنہ دو ہزار دو میں بننے والے کارپوریٹ فارمنگ ایکٹ کے ذریعے حاصل ہے جس کے تحت غیر ملکی سرمایہ کاروں کو راغب کرنے کے لیے ایک پالیسی بھی تیار کی گئی تھی تاہم اس پالیسی کے تحت ابھی تک کسی کو زرعی زمین الاٹ نہیں کی گئی ہے۔

سابق صدر پرویز مشرف کے جاری کردہ اس قانون کے تحت وزارت خوراک و زراعت نے سرمایہ کاری بورڈ کے ذریعے ملک کے چاروں صوبوں میں اکانوے لاکھ ہیکٹر قابل کاشت زمین کی نشاندہی کی ہے جو تاحال زیر کاشت نہیں لائی جا سکی ہے۔ اس میں سے اڑتالیس لاکھ ہیکٹرز بلوچستان کے قلات، کوئٹہ، نصیر آباد اور مکران ڈویژن میں واقع ہے۔ پنجاب میں یہ زمین ڈیرہ غازی خان، بہاولپور، راولپنڈی اور لاہور میں، صوبہ سندھ میں حیدرآباد، میرپورخاص، سکھر اور لاڑکانہ میں ہے جبکہ صوبہ سرحد کے جن اضلاع میں اس نوعیت کی سرکاری زمین کی نشاندہی کی گئی ہے ان میں ڈیرہ اسماعیل خان، ہزارہ اور کوہاٹ شامل ہیں۔

اگر حکومت بنجر زمین غیر ملکوں کو فروخت کرے پھر تو ٹھیک ہے لیکن قابل کاشت اراضی فروخت کرنے سے ملک میں خوراک کا بحران مستقبل میں مزید بڑھنے کے خدشات پیدا ہو سکتے ہیں

ڈاکٹر عابد سلہری

ان علاقوں میں موجود زمین کو زرعی مقاصد کے لیے ملکی و غیر ملکی کارپوریٹ اداروں اور ممالک کو فروخت کرنے یا نناوے برس کے پٹے پر دینے کے لیے مراعاتی پیکج بھی موجود ہے۔ اس پیکج کی خاص بات یہ ہے کہ اس پالیسی کے تحت فروخت کردہ زمین پر کاشتکاری یا فارمنگ کو صنعت کا درجہ حاصل ہو گا جس کے باعث نہ صرف اس سلسلے میں درآمد ہونے والی مشینری ڈیوٹی فری ہوگی بلکہ مختلف مدوں میں یہاں سرمایہ کاری کرنے والوں کو ٹیکس کی چھوٹ بھی دی جائے گی۔

زرعی فارمنگ میں سرمایہ کاری کرنے والوں کو مقامی پارٹنر ساتھ ملانے کی پابندی بھی نہیں ہو گی اور اس زمین کی پیداوار اور یہاں بننے والے مویشیوں کے فارمز کی مصنوعات وہ براہِ راست ملک سے باہر بھیجنے کے مجاز ہوں گے۔ سرمایہ کاری کی کم سے کم حد کا تعین بھی نہیں کیا گیا ہے اور اس زمین سے حاصل ہونے والے منافع کو بھی ملک سے باہر لیجانے پر کوئی پابندی نہیں ہوگی۔

اس کے علاوہ مقامی اور غیر ملکی بنکوں سے کاشتکاری کی مد میں قرض کے حصول کی سہولت بھی دستیاب ہوگی۔ پاکستان میں اس پالیسی کے تحت کاشتکاری میں سرمایہ کاری کرنے والوں پر مزدور قوانین کا اطلاق بھی نہیں ہوگا۔ زرعی زمین کو زیر کاشت لانے کے لیے ان سرمایہ کاروں کو پانی کا بندوبست خود کرنا ہو گا البتہ زیرزمین پانی نکالنے کے لیے استعمال ہونے والی مشینری کی درآمد پر حکومت ان سے کوئی ٹیکس نہیں لے گی۔

ان زمینوں پر کام کرنے کے لیے مقامی افراد کو ملازمت میں ترجیح دی جائے گی۔

اگر حکومت انہی مراعات کے ساتھ یہ اراضی پاکستانی کاشتکاروں کے حوالے کرے تو ملک سے چینی، آٹے اور دیگر اجناس کے بحران بھی ختم ہو جائیں گے اور ملکی معیشت بھی ترقی کرے گی

ابراہیم مغل

سرمایہ کاری بورڈ کے مطابق سعودی حکومت نے چند ماہ قبل اس پالیسی کے تحت پاکستان میں کاشتکاری کے لیے زمین حاصل کرنے میں دلچسپی ظاہر کی تھی لیکن ابھی تک اس درخواست پر عملی پیش رفت نہیں ہوئی ہے۔ ذرائع نے بتایا کہ ابھی تک سعودی حکومت کے لیے نہ تو زمین کا تعین ہوا ہے اور نہ ابھی یہ پتہ چلا ہے کہ سعودی سرمایہ کاروں کو کتنی زمین دی جائے گی۔

سعودی حکومت کو کارپوریٹ فارمنگ کے تحت زرعی اراضی فروخت کرنے سے متعلق خبریں شائع ہونے کے بعد ماہرین اور زراعت پیشہ افراد کی جانب سے اس بارے میں تحفظات کا اظہار کیا جا رہا ہے۔

زرعی معاشی ماہر ڈاکٹر عابد سلہری کا کہنا ہے کہ کارپوریٹ فارمنگ کا قانون اور اس کے تحت بننے والی پالیسی اتنی غیر واضح ہے کہ اس پر عمل کی صورت میں بہت سی پیچیدگیاں پیدا ہو سکتی ہیں۔ ’اگر حکومت بنجر زمین غیر ملکوں کو فروخت کرے پھر تو ٹھیک ہے لیکن قابل کاشت اراضی فروخت کرنے سے ملک میں خوراک کا بحران مستقبل میں مزید بڑھنے کے خدشات پیدا ہو سکتے ہیں‘۔

ایگری بزنس فورم کے سربراہ ابراہیم مغل کے مطابق زرعی زمین مراعات کے ساتھ غیر ملکی سرمایہ کاروں کو فروخت کرنا مقامی کاشتکاروں کے ساتھ زیادتی ہے۔ ’اگر حکومت انہی مراعات کے ساتھ یہ اراضی پاکستانی کاشتکاروں کے حوالے کرے تو ملک سے چینی، آٹے اور دیگر اجناس کے بحران بھی ختم ہو جائیں گے اور ملکی معیشت بھی ترقی کرے گی‘

The business of land

Thursday, September 17, 2009
Kamila Hyat

The writer is a freelance columnist and former newspaper editor

So far in 2009, according to the UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation, 50 million acres of farmland has been sold or negotiated for sale or lease. More deals are due to be finalised within months.

The trend is reported by analysts to be accelerating rapidly, with rich countries buying up arable land in poor nations to ensure their own food security. The food crisis of 2008, when unexpectedly large resources had to be used to acquire food, is a factor in triggering what some believe is the largest land grab since the colonial era. There are also apprehensions that it could have a similar impact, depriving impoverished people of control over their own resources and potentially expanding hunger in nations which themselves lack food security.

Sudan is one example of this. Despite being one of the least food secure nations in the world, it has sold or leased some of the largest tracts of land. Severe resource shortages are obviously a factor in this. South Korea has acquired 700,000 hectares in the country and five other countries have bought large holdings where they will grow food crops or raise livestock to ensure adequate supplies for their own people. The millions of hungry people in Sudan, Tanzania, Zambia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and even Ethiopia may find that, as a result of these deals which often involve land with the best water supplies or access to roads and ports, they may have even less food available to them than before. The people of Pakistan may face exactly the same situation.

Talk of an agreement to lease land to Gulf countries has been heard since 2007, when the idea was first floated as a means to raise revenue – even if it meant a depletion of the increasingly meagre cupboard of valuables Pakistan has left to sell. Protests voiced at the time seem to have led to the deal being put on the back burner, though low key talks apparently continued. The PPP government – eager to put the interests of the Saudis ahead of those of the people who voted it to power -- has moved ahead with the deal, with talks on in earnest with the Saudis to lease out 500,000 acres of land which with help the desert kingdom, heavily reliant on food imports, to secure food security for itself. The Saudis have already bought or leased land for similar purposes in Africa and have reportedly abandoned projects aimed at providing enough water to grow wheat and other crops at home, preferring the cheaper option of simply growing them elsewhere.

At the farmlands, to be acquired in all four provinces in Pakistan, special security forces would be deployed around the lands – which would be converted by high-tech agricultural inputs into waving seas of food – to 'protect' them and also to prevent local people from reaching the abundance in their midst. Presumably, these people, many of whom struggle to acquire a single meal a day, would watch helplessly as food grown on land which should, by right, feed them is whisked away. The verses of Iqbal about people rising up to burn land which does nothing to silence their pangs of hunger come to mind. Since the days of Iqbal, hunger has not abated. It may instead have expanded. In its most recent Global Hunger Index, the Washington-based International Food Policy Research Institute ranked Pakistan as a nation where levels of hunger were 'alarming'. Findings which confirm the hunger everywhere in our nation are, sadly, seldom seen as 'newsworthy' by the media.

It is not yet known if land which was already under cultivation will be handed over to the Saudis, though this is possible in a country which bears so heavy a burden of population and where there are so many landless farmers. Pakistan has already stated that it plans to lease still more land to Middle Eastern countries. The UAE and Qatar are both stated to be in the queue to acquire agricultural estates.

The land lease deal, supporters hold, would introduce modern farming technologies to Pakistan, increase investment thus offering the economy a badly needed boost and lead to an increase in employment as Pakistani staff is hired. It would also help cement ties between Islamabad and Riyadh, adding to the solid alliance between the two nations. Saudi Arabia has after all baled Pakistan out from difficult situations more than once. These arguments cannot be dismissed entirely. Indeed the fact that they do exist is one explanation as to why the new trend has taken off so swiftly across the globe, catching almost everyone by surprise. But the intensive agricultural practices that will take place on these lands will also deplete them, leaving behind a poorer soil. Rich nations can of course move on and simply buy 'new' lands elsewhere. Countries like Pakistan may be left with vast tracts of land infested with chemicals and with available water supplies reduced to them as the acquifer is sucked to supply the foreign farms. Will this, in time, mean more hunger? More starvation? More ecological and human devastation? These are the questions that must be asked and answered.

But these are not the only questions. The possession of lands owned by other governments and corporations within any country will have an inevitable impact on its sovereignty. If there is any doubt about this, the example of the US-based United Fruit Company in Latin America – involved since the 1800s in the ruthless exploitation of labour, the decimation of forests, bribery to safeguard it own interests and political interference at various levels – should illustrate how this works. Anger directed against the corporation simmers on; some hold it responsible for rampant corruption and instable governments. In the case of the Saudis, it is also worth keeping in mind that for all the expression of love and affection, relationships at the tier of the people have quite often been troubled. Hunting parties and other groups from the Middle East have in the past been accused by local people of arrogance, uncouth behaviour and harassment. They may be no truth behind such accusations, but they do suggest some of the problems that could arise in a situation where a large number of people from outside are brought into a particular area.

It is unfortunate that even as deals that involve land which should belong to the people of Pakistan are struck, there has been so little public debate about the plan. We need to be informed of what is planned. Protests need too to be mobilized. In the prevailing political environment of Pakistan, the people who stand to lose the most have almost no spokesmen. It is up to civil society groups to fill this gap. The global land sales and leases have caused disquiet at many forums. But so far they have not triggered an outcry on the scale that would have been expected – raising fears of a further tilting of the odds against the poor people of the world in the years to come.


Email: kamilahyat@hotmail.com (The News)

Corporate farming

By Ayesha Siddiqa
Friday, 18 Sep, 2009

The first story is about the government leasing state land in Cholistan (Punjab) and Balochistan to foreign contractors. —File Photo

RECENTLY, a controversy has emerged regarding the government’s plan to lease or sell land to foreign clients in order to increase agricultural productivity and earn money. Both the federal and Punjab governments seem keen on the plan.

But what this entails and what the likely cost of such a move will be is worth assessing. In principle the idea seems fine. Conceptually, it would bring greater investment, especially development of agricultural infrastructure, create more jobs in the rural areas and contribute to the country’s economy. It would probably be better than begging before the ‘Friends of Pakistan’ or other donors. However, the extent of benefits that Pakistan will accrue from this proposal depends on the management of the concept.

The government plans to offer about 700,000 acres of land to potential investors probably from Saudi Arabia and the UAE. At the moment it is not clear what methodology will be used for the purpose. Will it just involve state land or include private land as well?

This is not the first time the idea of corporate farming has been floated in government circles. Reportedly, it was discussed during Pervez Musharraf’s time with the option of leasing land to the Chinese. Beijing had proposed that it be leased 2,000 acres of land for a period of 10 to 15 years with the agreement that China would make technological and financial investments in the land, invest in newer forms of seeds and other products and leave the new infrastructure to the state or the owners after the termination of the contract.

Further changes were recommended by people in the government, suggesting that the investors sign agreements with individual owners guaranteeing their continued ownership with the additional advantage of an annual share in the profits. This would be in addition to providing them with the existing level of income at the time.

While the negotiations with China fell through, the present government seems to have moved to other potential clients like Saudi Arabia and the UAE. There are different stories regarding the formulas being offered to foreign investors. The first story is about the government leasing state land in Cholistan (Punjab) and Balochistan to foreign contractors. Apparently, the Punjab agriculture minister confirmed that about 600,000 acres of land was offered in Cholistan, which was rejected due to brackish water in the region.

There are also stories of the government helping private companies from the two aforementioned countries acquire land from private owners to grow vegetables and other crops, which would be exported to their own countries. It was suggested that the government could provide some sort of tax holiday and have security units protect the leased/sold land.

Such suggestions raise questions. First, why would the government provide any financial concessions to these investors, especially if it plans to make money? It doesn’t make any sense, especially when they will take away the produce to their own countries. Second, why would the government need to have security contingents if there is no contestable claim over the land or if the entire arrangement is reached amicably? Or is it that land would be taken forcibly from at least some people, which would make both Islamabad and the contracting countries anxious about retaliation?

There is a basic problem with leasing or selling land to Middle Eastern or Gulf states – these countries already have stakes in Pakistan’s real estate. For instance, for years large tracts of land in Cholistan have been earmarked for different rulers from the Gulf, who use the land as hunting grounds and have built mansions in the area.

The story doesn’t end here. These rulers are said to have developed their own set of cronies in the host state and one wonders what influence they would exert with greater involvement in Pakistan’s real estate. The Gulf states and Saudi Arabia now seem to have the capability to remote-control events in Pakistan as we saw recently when King Abdullah comforted Pervez Musharraf and gave an audience to Nawaz Sharif.

Political economy also has to do with these linkages, particularly at the lower level. The capital and political influence brought in by these rulers creates local-level partnerships as well, many of which can be seen in south Punjab. In one case, for instance, a Musharraf-regime minister for state from the area partnered a main agent of the Abu Dhabi ruling elite to set up a sugar mill.

The relationships between the ruling elite of these states and their links in Pakistan are generally so secretive that it raises concerns about what would possibly come out of the deal. The deal itself could create a cartel in agriculture, which might only benefit the bigger or politically significant landowners.

With so much secrecy surrounding negotiations there is a possibility that smaller or mid-level farmers may not benefit. The politically influential landowners would not only get better arrangements but also become partners in the deal. This would also include the numerous military generals who have land in and around Cholistan. Not familiar with farming and probably not making a lot of money at the moment, these individuals would be only too happy with such an arrangement.

Equally happy would be bigger landowners of the area, who, in any case, capitalise on available resources and use contacts to maximise profits from their land. For instance, fruit export is a profitable venture, but its greatest beneficiaries are the bigger landowners who also seem to be pushing the idea of leasing land to foreign firms.

Currently, the problem is that the resources to develop agriculture are monopolised. Perhaps creating a system where most farmers have access to resources would benefit agriculture more than the formula under consideration. Leasing land in this fashion may just add to Pakistan’s reputation as a banana republic.

The writer is an independent strategic and political analyst.

ayesha.ibd@gmail.com (Dawn)

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Debacle in Swat - by Kamila Hayat

Debacle in Swat

Thursday, January 22, 2009 (The News)
Kamila Hyat

The writer is a freelance columnist and former newspaper editor

The Pakistan military seems to have suffered a decisive defeat in war. While a fierce military operation has continued in Swat since July 2007, the extremist militants who now control nearly three quarters of the valley have, through these months, dramatically expanded their hold. Till early 2008, only about a quarter of the Swat area, home to 1.8 million people, fell under their grip. Today, they have closed down hundreds of schools, run their own 'Shariah' courts in the area and execute people almost each day at a central square in Mingora. Among the victims of the militants has been a school teacher who worked to support her children. She was labelled a prostitute, forced to wear 'ghungroos' (ankle bells) on her feet and then killed after being mercilessly demeaned. Other young women and their parents speak of threats and harassment aimed at preventing them from working or studying. Parents have been 'visited' by militants and asked to keep daughters indoors. Those killed include persons, some elderly, who dared to speak out against the militants. In most cases they were dubbed government 'spies'.

Quite obviously, the writ of State has vanished from Swat. For all the brave words we heard after the operation against militants resumed in Swat after the middle of 2008, the armed forces deployed there seem to have failed completely to overcome the fighters. People in the valley, few of whom risk speaking out given that now even Mingora is not safe, believe they have been punished for voting for the liberal ANP in the February 2008 polls, and voting against the MMA coalition. The vote appeared to be a desperate bid to escape the tyranny of militants who had begun to exert their hold over the area in the mid-1990s, when the firebrand leader of the radical Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariah Mohammadi (TNSM), Sufi Mohammad Khan, began an effort to impose his own version of Islamic law, launched the FM stations that authorities have since been unable to shut down and took thousands off for 'jihad' against the Americans in Afghanistan in 2001. It is today a rather frightening reflection on reality that the now aged Sufi Mohammad, released from jail last year as the ANP attempted to reach a deal with militants, today comes across as a moderate. Rather than any marked change in his stance, it is the far harder-line approach taken by his son-in-law, Maulana Fazlullah that has cast him in this role. Sufi Mohammad's own influence too has waned, even though he is said still to be in dialogue with members of the provincial government who hope to find some way to end the bloodshed. Those who once chuckled at mention of Fazlullah, a man who wielded a sword and rode a white steed in apparent emulation of past Islamic warriors, collecting money and jewellery from villagers to finance his 'jihad', now cringe in fear at the mention of his name.

ANP leaders too cringe. Many, quite understandably terrorized by the beheadings carried out by militants, no longer speak out. Others, including party legislators from Swat who have threatened to resign over the fate of their homeland, have shed tears of frustration and genuine pain on the floor of the NWFP Assembly. But essentially, the party is helpless. It could only watch as a house that belonged to the late Khan Abdul Wali Khan in Swat was destroyed by militants. More inexplicable is that the military, deployed in the valley since 2007, have also seemed just as helpless. Even the presence of entire divisions seems to have done nothing to help them overcome what is, after all, a band of irregular fighters; they should be no match for a huge army on which we spend millions. The talk of ideology and the claims to defend Islam from these murderers is nothing more than a cloak to shield their true nature. Even respected religious figures in Swat who have attempted to raise the point that the actions of the militants, who bombed yet another girls school this weekend, have nothing to do with Islam, have been slain or driven out of Swat. Indeed, according to some estimates, 60 percent of the population has fled – with only the most hapless and the most impoverished who have nowhere to go, left behind to face the wrath of the militants.

The situation has led many to question the role played in Swat by the army. Certainly we need answers. Some local people are convinced the militants enjoyed secret protection from the security forces. There is a belief that some at least within the establishment still see militants as key allies. ANP leaders have themselves hinted at this. The NWFP Chief Minister has demanded the federal government do more to save Swat.

Members of the central government claim they are not oblivious to the situation. But this does not quite explain why the situation that now prevails there is being allowed to continue. Does the PPP – a party led for three decades by women – really believe that the denial of education to 80,000 girls is a minor matter? Or that messages warning men not to allow women out of homes are to be ignored? The total collapse of the writ of state from Swat is an immense issue. It highlights the dangers we face in other areas. To fail to address urgent attention to the situation there would be a folly of enormous magnitude.

Indeed, it is odd we have not heard about what has been happening in Swat for so many months. It is only now, as things have worsened still more, that we have been told about the atrocities committed on a daily basis. The media has helped in this. But perhaps it needs to do more. There is still an opinion that the problems in Swat and other areas have been created because of the steps to battle militants. The argument goes that this falls in line with orders issued from Washington. The facts are somewhat different: In Swat militants had already been using force to establish a writ over the area some eight years before the US got embroiled in the war on terror after the events of 9/11. The recruitment of people, especially young boys, for 'jihad' was on for years. The failure to make any effort to rehabilitate these brainwashed fighters after 2002, when many returned from Afghanistan, may have helped promote further militancy. This mistake must not be repeated. The State must do all it can to bring back Swat to its domain. If it fails to do so, other territories could also opt to go their own way – further weakening a country that has rapidly lost control over vast tracts of its territory.

Email: kamilahyat@hotmail.com
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Those influenced by the negative propaganda against political leadership in Pakistan must remember that our army leaders are no holy cows.

Habit of dishonesty
Thursday, November 06, 2008
Kamila Hyat

Throughout his nearly nine years in office, former president Pervez Musharraf spoke of eradicating corruption and loudly proclaimed his own honesty at every available occasion.

The report is now surfacing that hundreds of acres of military land in Dera Ismail Khan were quietly allocated to two key leaders of the MMA, Maulana Fazlur Rehman of the JUI-F and then NWFP chief minister Akram Durrani, as a bribe to ensure the silence of the alliance as Musharraf went back on his word to take off his military uniform by the end of 2004. This is a reminder of the lies he told and the scale of the dishonesty we live with. The report, backed by documentation, of course also exposes, as much as Musharraf who has mentioned a future in politics for himself, the so-called "religious" leaders of the country. Evidently, when it comes to accumulating illegal wealthy, the teachings of religion evaporate as far as these leaders are concerned. This, of course, is not a surprise. Only the most naïve believe these men are truly virtuous. But the fact is that men like the JUI-F chief do manage from time to time to dupe people with all their talk of piety and their defence of terrorists. Sometimes, this false front has dissuaded the country's inherently conservative media from tracking down allegations regarding their dishonesty. It is time this changed. We need to know the true faces of our politicians, no matter what guise they put on. The accounts of donations made to religious organisations disappearing into the pockets of those who control them should also be investigated.

But while such dishonesty is motivated by greed that overrides principle, and has been a consistent feature of political life in the country, no matter who is in charge, other kinds of dishonesty – or perhaps this should be termed delusion – defy logic. One example was the insistence of the chairman of the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), within hours of the Ziarat quake, that matters were in hand and Pakistan was able to handle the localised disaster itself. The chairman's claim that relief had been delivered triggered an angry response from survivors who said they had received nothing. In similar situations, governments and specialised agencies quite often emphasizes, rather than minimizes, the scale of damage in order to ensure maximum help for victims. Since Pakistani authorities, however great their incompetence, can hardly be blamed for a natural disaster, attempting to cover up its scale and thus potentially denying people speedy assistance makes no sense at all. So deeply rooted is our instinct to hide the truth that local official in some cases resorted to the same process of denial. In many ways this detracted from what was otherwise a fairly well-coordinated and swiftly executed rescue and relief operation, with the main handicap coming in the chronic state of under-development in the stricken districts, with poor road infrastructures and dismal medical facilities even before the quake struck.

We have heard of other cases of dishonesty that have proved still more damaging. False figures for wheat production have been offered up by provinces, and have apparently contributed to shortfalls in supplies of the vital grain. At the national level, inaccurate economic figures have been routinely presented for decades, making assessments of the actual situation almost impossible. Our true literacy figure is unknown, given that official statistics lack credibility and many unofficial quarters present differing estimates as to the actual levels. Even the population rate is disputed, making planning an almost impossible task – and as for issues of the population size of specific provinces, or ethnic populations within them, this is a task so fraught with sensitivities that no attempt at assessment has been possible for years.

Within many departments, the figures on file have been tampered with or adjusted so many times that it is impossible even for the people posted within these offices to say whether or not they are accurate. Many admit that most are probably not a true depiction of the situation on the ground. Even statistics for disease, such as the prevalence of HIV infection within the country, have on occasion been covered up.

The difficulties in punishing corruption in a country where it is so deeply entrenched surfaced during the early days of the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) when attempts to probe military and judicial wrongdoing were clamped down on. The restrictions on probing these two spheres of national life of course make it extremely hard to tackle dishonesty.

The fact, though, that, with will and commitment, this can be done has been demonstrated by the former DCO of Jhang, who retired in July this year to join the ADB. The DCO had put in place an elaborate system which to a large extent eliminated corruption in the Revenue Department. The model was to be enforced across Punjab on an initiative of Chief Minister Sharif, but this has yet to happen.

The matter of whether the use of the same methods would result in a reduction in corruption in other districts would be fascinating. But the mechanisms put in place by the former DCO, Zubair K Bhatti, do indicate what can be done even with the honest endeavours of a single individual. His example, importantly, seems also to have inspired at least some bureaucrats to try similar measures. Other instances, of health systems or municipality functions being streamlined in specific areas because of the efforts of single individuals, are also present. They need to be studied and encouraged. But this can happen only if the same levels of commitment exist higher up in the official hierarchy, and from here they are too often missing.

The lack of credibility for officialdom that arises from this dishonesty has an impact on governance. Certainly, no one believes what leaders say. This fuels rumours every now and then. The skepticism of people is logical given they have been duped and fooled so often. Many allegations of dishonesty feature even as far as programmes such as the education campaign launched by the last Punjab set up or even the anti-polio drive are concerned. There have been many accusations of funds provided for these programmes being frittered away. Similar accusations concern relief work that followed the October 2005 earthquake.

At both the petty level and on a far larger national scale, corruption holds up progress. At many levels, dishonesty seems simply to have become a habit. Eradicating it, and thus restoring at least some modicum of trust between the State and it people is essential to establishing any kind of meaningful government in the country. (The News)

The writer is a freelance columnist and former newspaper editor. Email: kamilahyat@hotmail.com
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