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30 November 2009

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Showing posts with label Aslam Beg. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Aslam Beg. Show all posts

Sunday, 13 September 2009

Pakistan: Supreme Court to inquire into Sharif bribe claims


Islamabad, 4 Sept.(AKI) - By Syed Saleem Shahzad - Pakistan's Supreme Court has signalled it will begin inquiring into allegations about a historic deal spearheaded by former prime minister Nawaz Sharif in a bid to protect his office in 1993. The appellate bench of the court will set a date soon for the hearing which will hear claims that Sharif paid seven MPs from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas near the border of Afghanistan.

The hearing now depends on the Chief Justice of Pakistan and court staff to determine when the case will be heard.

“This is the story of a gambler (Nawaz Sharif) who when he lost the game refused to pay and fled,” said Shahid Orakzai, the petitioner, who filed this case in 1997 against the former premier.

According to the petition, the case focuses on the 'horse trading' of seven MPs who were allegedly bribed to help Sharif form a majority for Pakistan Muslim League in October 1993 for the election of national assembly speaker which finally set the stage for the election of the leader of the house.

Sharif allegedly used Shahid Orakzai as a liaison to approach the MPs from the tribal areas and agreed to pay each of them 2.5 million Pakistani rupees (30,000 dollars) for their support.

However, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz failed to secure a majority and its rival Pakistan Peoples Party formed a majority in the parliament.

Sharif has been accused of seeking to delay the payment and later refusing to pay a portion of the funds to the MPs who cast their vote in his favour.

Former ISI official retired squadron leader Khalid Khawaja has also filed an affidavit in the court confirming that the transactions took place with the MPs through Shahid Orakzai.

The case is widely seen as a litmus test for the credibility of the Supreme Court and the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, Shahid Orakzai told Adnkronos International in Islamabad.

Many will be watching to see whether he fixes an early date for the case, or like previous court orders refuses to hear the case or delay it to protect Sharif.

Sharif first became prime minister in 1990 but his government was sacked in April 1993, when president Ghulam Ishaq Khan dissolved the National Assembly on charges of corruption, nepotism, and extrajudicial killings.

Six weeks later, the Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled that the presidential order was unconstitutional, reconstituting the National Assembly and returning Sharif to power on May 26.

The army stepped in asking Sharif to resign and he and the president were forced from office in July 1993.

In July 2009 Pakistan's Supreme Court acquitted Sharif of hijacking charges, removing the final ban on him running for public office.

Sharif was found guilty of hijacking then army chief general Pervez Musharraf's plane in 1999, when he ordered it to be diverted.


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General Aslam Beg is the real bitch!



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Tuesday, 8 September 2009

What lesson can Pakistan learn from the way Sri Lanka has dealt with the terrorism of LTTE


General Beg’s mess

Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani has stated that Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse, during a recent meeting in Libya, told him that “elements in Sri Lanka could be linked to incidents of terrorism in Pakistan, including the attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore”. Both countries were now looking into “reports that terrorists in Pakistan had received finances from Sri Lanka,” Mr Gilani said on Sunday.

It should be remembered that Sri Lanka, subject to terrorism over decades, had always adopted a posture of “understanding” towards terror-stricken Pakistan. Despite the fact that world cricket was reluctant to visit Pakistan, Sri Lanka had sent its national team on a tour to Pakistan. The gesture was more in line with the thinking that terrorism should not disrupt normal links between countries. This was how Sri Lanka wanted the world to treat Pakistan.

The world knew the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as a terrorist organisation but full information about its international activities was known only to think tank experts and the Sri Lankan government. Because at one level it was also an India-Sri Lanka issue, much of the global terrorist spread of the LTTE was obfuscated. However, it was by and large accepted by all that Al Qaeda had benefited from the “technology levels” available in LTTE’s capacity to inflict damage.

For instance, a report posted on the US Council on Foreign Relations website asserts that “the secular, nationalist LTTE has no operational connection with al-Qaeda, its radical Islamist affiliates, or other terrorist groups”. It does however accept that Al Qaeda copied the Tigers’ innovation of the “jacket” apparatus worn by individual suicide bombers. LTTE did do some training in Palestine and inspire copycat terrorism in Myanmar, Thailand, and Cambodia.

But Sri Lankan scholars have gone deeper into the LTTE activities than non-Sri Lankans. For instance, Shanaka Jayasekara, Terrorism Researcher, Centre for Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism (PICT), Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, has zeroed in on the “contact” that no one talks about in Pakistan. He writes:

“Brian Joyce in an article in the Jane’s Intelligence in November 2002 on Terrorist Financing in South Asia states that the LTTE shipping fleet provided logistics support to Harkat-al Mujahideen, a Pakistani militant group with Al Qaeda affiliations, to transport a consignment of weapons to the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in the Philippines. The LTTE used a merchant vessel registered by a front company in Lattakia, Syria, until 2002”.

Pakistan’s own intelligence may not have been very successful in finding the connection — our old spooks now singing on TV are more interested in fighting Mossad and RAW — but there has been a constant buzz in Pakistan about the Taliban and its patron Al Qaeda taking whatever money comes their way to inflict damage on Pakistan. Foreign countries and their intelligence agencies have been often named to explain the holding power of the Taliban.

Foreign terrorists too have been reported as a part of the baggage unloaded by Al Qaeda on its minions in South Waziristan. Even warlord Fazlullah in Swat was allowing “foreigners” to fight the Pakistan Army and behead innocent local people. It is therefore not beyond the Taliban — whose side-business is nothing but extortion and killing for profit — to do “the job” for the LTTE in Lahore for money.

The attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team was carried out by Lashkar-e-Jhangvi of the Taliban Tehreek Punjab, the most allied of Al Qaeda allies in the country. An officer of the Punjab police had however blamed India once again for the act of terrorism, assigning to New Delhi the motive that could very well be the motive of elements in Tamil Nadu that support the LTTE, and probably of the ruling political party of Tamil Nadu presently in Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s coalition at the centre.

Perhaps the most meaningful lesson for Pakistan to draw comes from the way Sri Lanka has dealt with the terrorism of LTTE. It tackled the long-term Indian involvement inside Sri Lanka on behalf of the nationalists of Tamil Nadu by “normalising” its relations with New Delhi, signing a free-trade treaty with it, and then confronting an increasingly isolated LTTE and putting an end to it. (Daily Times)


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Sunday, 6 September 2009

Roedad Khan, Ishaq Khan, Aslam Beg and the anti-PPP operation by ISI.


"I considered Benazir Bhutto a security risk."

Brigadier Imtiaz also alleged that Haumayun Akghtar paid renonwed journalist Haroon-ur-Rasheed bribe to write a book in praise of his father General Akhtar Abdur-Rehman.

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Saturday, 5 September 2009

General Aslam Beg's Message to Supreme Court


In his letter to Nazir Njai, General Beg admits his implict threat in his message to the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

MQM was established to counter Sindhi nationalists: Beg

Daily Times Monitor

LAHORE: Former army chief Mirza Aslam Beg said on Friday the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) was established as a political measure to counter the Sindhi nationalist movement following the hanging of PPP founder Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Talking to a private TV channel, Beg said the MQM did not exist before 1978 and was established on the directions of General Ziaul Haq, then military ruler, only to counter Sindhi nationalists who had lost Bhutto after Zia’s military coup.

He said the caretaker government under Ghulam Ishaq Khan had decided to support the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) to counter the PPP in order to balance the political atmosphere. “I think the formation of the IJI was a right decision at the time,” he said.

Beg said the IJI were the only means that could create a strong opposition at the time.

He said former president Pervez Musharraf had created and supported the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) and the PML-Q to prolong his term in office, but no one had pointed that out.

Beg said he believed the Bahawalpur plane crash that killed Gen Ziaul Haq was “sabotage”.

‘Breaking’ news —Shaukat Qadir

We have been sliding downhill for too long, the slide must stop somewhere. Now is as good a time as any, and better than most, given a COAS who is bending over backwards to establish the principle of civilian supremacy

When I first read in the papers that the intelligence ‘Wonder Boy’ Brigadier Imtiaz Ahmed (retd) alias ‘Billa’ had decided to open his mouth and that he had been running from pillar to post asking people to interview him, I decided he was best ignored. However, I did wonder what treatment succeeded in ridding him of the constipation of years and why. That the disease (or should it be treatment?) was bound to be contagious was a foregone conclusion; and even when asked, I refrained from comment except to ask, “what was unknown that he has now disclosed?”

I have been prompted to write on the subject by PMLN leader Ahsan Iqbal’s ultimatum to the President and the response it has evoked.

What is there about our history that is unknown? Did we not know that the erstwhile IJI was a creation of the Zia-ul-Haq era, to counterbalance the PPP? Did we not know that a number of politicians were bribed to turn-coat and join the IJI? Lt Gen Asad Durrani submitted his affidavit to the Supreme Court naming individuals and sums disbursed by him while he was DG ISI, on the instructions of General Mirza Aslam Beg, then COAS, many years ago. The judgement is still withheld. That one of them has publicly acknowledged it redounds to her credit, but this is not the first time our politicians have been bought or sold, nor is it likely to be the last.

As the DG ISI, Lt Gen Hameed Gul in his first briefing to Benazir Bhutto as prime minister, acknowledged that he and the ISI played a role in creating the IJI.


We all know how the PMLQ took birth with Pervez Musharraf as midwife. We have witnessed the party deserting him and the formation of a ‘Forward Bloc’. We are all aware of how the religious political parties were nurtured by Zia and later by Musharraf. We have witnessed them being bought and sold so many times that it is not possible to predict who they will support tomorrow.

Did we not know that the MQM was another creation of Zia to counterbalance the PPP in the major urban centres of Sindh, Karachi and Hyderabad? Did we not know that when Zia lost control of the MQM and this organisation began to terrorise the two urban centres under its total control, Zia tried to counter it by creating the MQM (Haqiqi)? Did we not know about the MQM’s methods; were we unaware of the Musharraf-MQM nexus? Any doubts as to the latter were put to rest in May 2007.


Did we not know about an announced intention to create a homeland for the ‘mohajirs’? What is the fresh disclosure in the ‘maps of Jinnahpur’? Whether there were any or not, the intent was known publicly.

Who was unaware that Gen Beg made every effort to subvert Benazir Bhutto’s first tenure as PM? Or that he was suitably rewarded by Nawaz Sharif, when he retired, by providing him the funds to set up the organisation called FRIENDS? Who was unaware that, at a time when Benazir Bhutto was seeking reconciliation with India and had ordered the army not to interfere in Indian-held Kashmir, Gen Beg was fighting his private war there, funnelling millions to support it?

However, there is an upside to this public washing of our dirty linen. Whoever had any illusions left about our politicians’ or our military leadership’s role in playing havoc with the country at every given opportunity in our history is likely to lose them. What is more, it throws into stark contrast our current apolitical army leadership.

Other retired friends tell me they feel bad about the damage all this is doing to the army’s reputation. In my view, that is the best part of it all. No institution should be considered to be, or be, above the law. It is time, and more, that senior military officers again become accountable to the people and to the representatives of the people — however contemptible or reprehensible the elected representatives might be. It is also high time that the people begin to hold their representatives accountable.

We have been sliding downhill for too long, the slide must stop somewhere. Now is as good a time as any, and better than most, given a COAS who is bending over backwards to establish the principle of civilian supremacy. I am sure he will pass this test with flying colours, as he has done every one in the past. (Daily Times)

.....

Democracy deficit? —Abbas Rashid

Meanwhile, a former spook with the most unsavoury of reputations has been a feature on the airwaves, making revelations that are clearly politically motivated. What Brigadier Imtiaz Ahmad (retd) has to say about the 1992 operation against the MQM and the absence of any Jinnahpur maps as well as other matters is largely geared to embarrass Nawaz Sharif. The Nawaz camp thinks this is a manoeuvre by the PPP to get them to back off on the issue of the NRO or the minus-one option (PPP minus Zardari). Hopefully, they are wrong.

Again on the issue of General Musharraf’s trial, the PPP regards this primarily as a move to put them in a difficult spot by pitting them against the army. So, there is a pragmatic consideration here on the part of the PPP not going forward on this. At the same time, while Musharraf may have illusions of leading at least a faction of the PML back in Pakistan, it is more likely that given the serious charges against him, he will come to prefer exile to his day in court.

There are also calls to proceed with another case that impinges crucially on the area of civil-military relations, and has been before the Supreme Court for around thirteen years, since 1997. The petitioner, a well-respected former military officer, Air Marshal Asghar Khan (retd) had brought the case against former Army Chief General Aslam Beg (retd), ex-ISI chief Lt Gen Asad Durrani (retd) and ex-chief of Mehran Bank Younis Habib. Essentially, Beg is accused of instructing Durrani to disburse money provided by Habib to the newly formed IJI by way of ‘logistic’ support.

The interesting thing about this case is that in an affidavit before the court, Durrani has admitted to disbursing the money and named the politicians as well as the sums handed over. And, as Justice Saeeduzzaman Siddiqui reminded us in a recent appearance on TV, none among the recipients had denied getting the money. More recently, though, some have.

Regardless, it is Durrani’s claim that he was only obeying a superior officer’s orders and Beg would have us believe that the orders had actually come from the chief executive at the time, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan. And was anyone trying to determine the legality or otherwise of such orders, before carrying them out? How disposed the Supreme Court is to take up this case again remains to be seen.


PM doesn’t mind!

Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani has taken the tension out of the political atmosphere in the country by telling journalists in Karachi on Thursday that he took opposition criticism in his stride. His view was that governments did not fall by “disclosures” of the sort being made on TV channels these days.

Mr Gilani said something more meaningful after coming out of a meeting of the Sindh cabinet. When his attention was drawn to remarks made by PMLN leader Mr Nawaz Sharif that “failure of the PPP-led coalition was becoming failure of democracy”, he said: “I don’t mind what Nawaz Sharif Sahib says”.

He was right in conceding that the party in power has to be long in patience and that the opposition is always more strident in its criticism. Also he can ignore a lot of the criticism being bandied about these days about his government being “inactive”. Being rash in action simply to satisfy a few politicians and some partisan TV anchors might land him in trouble.

Most of the problems facing him are issues of either long gestation or of slow resolution. That the economy is in trouble and terrorism forces the state to lean on international support is also not his fault. There are signs of slow improvement in the economy; and the military operations against the terrorists are not going badly at all. As for Mr Sharif, he is a “friend in opposition” as he himself likes to admit.

The Raza Rabbani committee in parliament is shortly going to present the constitutional amendment that will get us rid of the universally abominated 17th Amendment. After that, the only issue left would be the trial of General (Retd) Musharraf. We hope that the PMLN will not insist upon it to the exclusion of everything else in the longer term interest of political stability in the country, as Saudi King Abdullah is wisely advising. (Daily Times)


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Tuesday, 1 September 2009

Are you sleeping Chief Justice Chaudhry? Why is Air Marshal Asghar Khan’s case pending before the SC since 1996?


Govt not to ask SC to take up Asghar’s case: AG

Tuesday, September 01, 2009

By Sohail Khan

ISLAMABAD: Attorney-General Sardar Latif Khosa on Monday said the government would not file an application in the Supreme Court, praying for an early hearing of Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan’s case pending before the SC regarding formation of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI).

The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) would not ask the apex court for the early hearing of the case filed in 1997 by Asghar Khan against the formation of the IJI by an intelligence agency against the PPP, Latif Khosa told newsmen at the Supreme Court.

He said the case was pending in the court and it was up to the court to decide its time of hearing. The attorney-general said the Pakistan People’s Party believed in democracy and would not derail the democratic process in the country. He said a particular group was intentionally trying to raise this old issue, but it would be of no use to reopen it.

Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan had filed a petition in the Supreme Court in 1997 regarding the formation of the IJI, making Gen (retd) Mirza Aslam Beg, the then chief of the Army staff (COAS), Lt-Gen (retd) Asad Durrani, former ISI director general and others as respondents. The petition is still pending before the apex court.

Earlier on June 16, 1996, Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan had requested Justice (retd) Sajjad Ali Shah, the then-chief justice of Pakistan, to initiate legal proceedings against Mirza Aslam Beg and Lt-Gen (retd) Asad Durrani for bringing a bad repute to armed forces and had been guilty of undermining the discipline of the armed forces.

Asghar Khan had drawn attention of the then-chief justice of Pakistan, Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, to the disclosure by the interior minister in the National Assembly on June 11, 1996, that Gen (retd) Mirza Aslam Beg had drawn Rs 150 million from the Mehran Bank and had distributed the amount to various people prior to the 1990 elections. He disclosed that this had been done through Lt-Gen (retd) Asad Durrani, the director general of the Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate at that time.

Asghar Khan had submitted before the then chief justice of Pakistan that the action of Mirza Aslam Beg and Asad Durrani was tantamount to gross misconduct and requested for initiating legal proceedings against both the persons.

Only 'Billa' can tell why
By Zaffar Abbas
Tuesday, 01 Sep, 2009
Brigadier (retd) Imtiaz Ahmed.

ISLAMABAD: Brigadier (retd) Imtiaz Ahmed, or others like him who served in the security services over the past three decades, may alone know the real reason for re-igniting the controversies regarding their role in the making and breaking of political parties, alliances and governments, and of institutionalising corruption in the country’s politics.

It is unclear whether this was his intention but the retired brigadier, known as Imtiaz ‘Billa (the cat)’ in the army circles of yesteryear, has done one great service to this nation.

Through his confessions, which he proudly describes as ‘revelations’, he has revived memories of some of the worst transgressions of the law and violations of norms of decent conduct and human rights by the intelligence agencies. Particularly during the dreaded rule of the dictator Gen Ziaul Haq during the late ’70s and early ’80s.

As these revelations jog one’s memory, one is propelled back in time to the period when Imtiaz Billa’s name had become synonymous with dirty, horrible, tactics in dealing with Zia’s political opponents. During this period, arrests, torture and even death in custody of political opponents dubbed Indian or Soviet agents, had become the order of the day.

As the re-emergence of the debate takes some of us down the memory lane, an unforgettable reference comes to mind when ‘Imtiaz Billa’ came to be known among the communist and other left-wing activists as ‘butcher’.

Tasked by Gen Zia to eliminate anyone or everyone who had even tenuous links with the otherwise tiny communist movement, Billa and his men took upon themselves the task of hunting down those associated with groups viewed as pro-Soviet.

Basking in the glory of having earned the support of the United States because of the Soviet presence in Afghanistan, Gen Zia wanted to pursue his own agenda of Islamisation by neutralising all who may have represented socialist or secular ideals.

Noted journalist Sohail Sangi, one such victim of the security services, recalls that in those days Imtiaz Billa was either posted in Karachi or, as an ISI colonel, was supervising the anti-communist operation in Karachi and elsewhere in Sindh province.

It was during these days in August 1980 that a group of left-wing activists approached a few journalists at the press club in Karachi to seek their help in highlighting the news of death in custody of communist student leader Nazir Abbasi.

Abbasi had died during torture as attempts were made to extract information from eight prominent members of the defunct Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP). The news had come out once his body was handed over to his relatives for burial, but the newspapers were unable to publish the reason for his death because of strict censorship.

As Professor Jamal Naqvi, one of the arrested communist leaders, later mentioned in his testimony during the famous ‘Jam Saqi trial’, it was Nazir Abbasi’s death that saved the rest of the detainees from further torture, as they were soon shifted from a military interrogation cell to a Karachi prison.

Even during the military trial the actual case that the intelligence agency had framed against Jam Saqi and his comrades was not about their involvement in promoting Soviet communism in the country but of working for the Indian intelligence to topple Gen Zia’s military regime.

Prof Naqvi, Jam Saqi and also others like Sohail Sangi, Jabbar Khattak, Kamal Warsi and Shabbir Sher are around to testify to the horrors of that dark period.

Then there were many other cases against nationalist leaders like Rasul Bux Palijo or communist activists like lmdad Chandio and scores of others that were all fabricated so that those charged could be kept away from mainstream politics.

Hijacking case

The ISI’s political cell under Gen Zia had acquired a much bigger role with the hijacking of a PIA plane by the so-called Al Zulfiqar in 1981. This incident gave a new lease of life to Gen Zia, as he used it to his advantage to allow the intelligence to round up thousands of political activists in the country – perhaps the biggest crackdown since the mass arrest of political activists to coincide with Mr Bhutto’s hanging. Also, Brig Imtiaz Billa is once again trying to make a big thing of the so-called conspiracy hatched by Ghulam Mustafa Khar to topple Gen Zia’s regime. At one point, noted lawyer and activist Raza Kazim was also implicated in the case, and so were a number of junior officers.

In this case too they were accused of having links with RAW. None of them ever denied having worked to remove Gen Zia, but for ‘Billa’ and others the easiest thing was to link them to India to justify their military trial.

‘American agent’

Perhaps the most bizarre of such incidents was the arrest of a trade union leader in Karachi, Rafiq Safi Munshi on the charge of being an American agent. A few months ago Imtiaz Billa ‘disclosed’ in a newspaper interview how he trapped an ‘American agent’ who was passing on nuclear secrets in Karachi to his ‘handlers’ at the US consulate.

Many may differ with the Rafiq Safi’s style of politics, but the fact is that he was associated with the PPP, and was a prominent leader of the Karachi Electric Supply Corporation’s (KESC) trade Union, and was not working at Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (Kannup) as the retired brigadier had portrayed. Even otherwise, what has Kannup plant got to do with Pakistan’s nuclear weapons programme?

But in the martial law period the arrest of any opponent of the military junta was justified, and branding them as Indian or Soviet, or in one case, even American, agent kosher.

Special courts

What helped the junta more was a blanket news censorship and holding of trial in summary and special military courts, whose verdicts were often written before the start of the case proceedings.

It will be quite interesting to find out that in many cases the only crime of such left-wing activists, including many professors of Quaid-i-Azam University, was secretly publishing anti-Zia literature.

The role of the military intelligence services in former East Pakistan is often described as the worst as in those days hundreds disappeared and popular opinion was suppressed by arresting and trying Awami League leaders as foreign agents.

But a close study of Gen Zia’s days, and the powers that were given to people like ‘Billa’, or the entire ISI under first Generals Ghulam Jilani and then Akhtar Abdur Rehman and finally Lt-Gen Hameed Gul, may show how blatantly they violated the law and human rights.

Probe commission

Now that Brig (retd) Imtiaz has himself decided to spill the beans, perhaps, as many believe, to defame a few more politicians, there are some quarters who argue that democracy will be served better if the politicians collectively demand a high-powered commission to probe into the role of the intelligence services in the country’s politics, particularly during the days of Gen Ziaul Haq and beyond.

Politicians may or may not have taken money from the ISI or Intelligence Bureau. But if a former ISI chief, Lt-Gen (retd) Asad Durrani, accepts he distributed money among a large number of politicians, and if Lt-Gen (retd) Hamid Gul boasts of forming an anti-Benazir Bhutto opposition alliance, or if Brig (retd) Imtiaz goes on television to accuse Ghulam Mustafa Khar of taking Rs5 million for his election campaign, then there are enough grounds to initiate proceedings against them and others for subverting the democratic process in the country.

Perhaps, the best person to head the commission would be Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan, as he is the one who had approached the Supreme Court to expose the role of the ISI in the country’s politics. And if the present Army Chief General Ashfaq Kayani is to be believed about having disbanded ISI’s political wing, it will be fair to assume he will have no objection in a public discussion about the intelligence agencies’ dubious political role in the past. At a time when the military is battling forces of religious extremism and militancy, the irony won’t be lost on the leadership that under a different regime it was their own colleagues who tried to crush those representing more tolerant political thought. (Dawn)

Military reviewing ‘revealing’ statements by former officials

* Officials determining if recent statements, interviews violate Official Secrets Act, 1923
* Lawyers say proceedings must be launched against those guilty

By Sajjad Malik


ISLAMABAD: The military top brass is reviewing a string of statements and interviews by former defence officials to determine whether they are guilty of breaching the Official Secrets Act of 1923, official sources told Daily Times on Wednesday.

“The matter is being considered and reviewed at the appropriate level,” said the defence officials when asked if General Headquarters was considering action against retired defence officials for disclosing information on actions carried out in official capacity.

The sources said all former defence officials were bound to maintain the secrecy of sensitive matters related to the time they held any office. They said any violation could lead to prosecution under the Official Secrets Act.

“They are bound to keep secrets as secrets, and they are not allowed to go around revealing things done while in active service,” said the sources.

Replying to a question, they said only the “organisation” could determine if an official had disclosed any secret information during interviews, writings or announcements.

They said the law applied not only to defence officials, but also to civilian officials. He said all officials were strictly required to maintain the secrecy of whatever they had done in official capacity in the best interest of the state.

Proceedings: Senior lawyer SM Zafar said all such former officials were liable under the Official Secrets Act of 1923. “All of them are liable, but the nature of their crime is like sedition or treason... only the government can proceed against them and prosecute them in a court of law,” he said.

Another senior lawyer, Abid Hassan Manto, said it was not clear if recent statements by former army officers fell in the category of official secrets. “But once it is established that they have violated the law, they all can be punished,” he said.

Fakharuddin G Ibrahim said he was not sure if the recent interviews and pronouncements were a violation of the Official Secrets Act, but what they had said was “self-incriminatory”.

“In my opinion the very fact they have accepted the wrongdoing is self-incriminatory and enough to take them to a court of law,” he said, adding that the army should proceed against them if they had violated any law of the defence forces. (Daily Times)


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PML(N)'s balloon punctured by Brigadier Imtiaz?


Asadullah Ghliab's analysis: PML(N)'s baloon punctured?


Ayaz Khan: Nawaz Sharif under pressure?

PML(N) issues 24 hour deadline
LAHORE: PML-N Information Secretary Ahsan Iqbal initially announced a 24-hour deadline for the PPP to stop its “propaganda campaign” before extending it to 48 hours, a private TV channel has reported. He told journalists the party would respond in kind if the campaign were not stopped, it added. daily times monitor

Go ahead! We don’t care: PPP

* Babar says issuing ultimatums against spirit of reconciliation, mutual accommodation
* Presidency has no role in allegations of slush fund distribution among politicians

Staff Report


ISLAMABAD: In a tit-for-tat reply to Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) Information Secretary Ahsan Iqbal’s warning that his party would respond against the Pakistan People’s Party’s (PPP) leadership if it did not mend its ways within 48 hours, PPP leaders said they were not afraid of any ultimatum.

The president’s spokesman Farhatullah Babar rejected and condemned the attempts to accuse the Presidency of being involved in what has been described as “character assassination” of some political leaders. “There is no question of the Presidency being behind the resurrection of old accusations against some political leaders,” he said.

He said the accusation relating to the distribution of slush funds among politicians some two decades ago were not new and kept popping up every now and then. He said that it was strange that the Presidency was being accused for the first time of a role in the said accusations.

Not good: Babar described the present “hurling” of ultimatums at the president and the Presidency as most unfortunate, uncalled for and against the spirit of reconciliation and mutual accommodation.

The president’s spokesman said the PML-N should provide evidence to back up its claims.

He said the PML-N should not retaliate because of old accusation being brought up by a few disgruntled indivisuals.

Babar said those making the accusations were perhaps hoping to exert pressure on the Presidency to reject any previous record against the said people and in effect giving them future immunity. “This, however, is not the responsibility of the Presidency’s media outfit,” he said.

Babar recalled that when the same person had levelled the accusations against former prime minister Benazir Bhutto and the PPP leadership, the party and its leadership had directly confronted and squashed the false claims.

Pending: He said the case of alleged distribution of slush funds among politicians was not only almost two decades old but also pending in the Supreme Court. “As such the PPP cannot formally comment upon it let alone endorse the guilt or innocence of anyone allegedly involved,” he said.


PML (N) knew about Karachi operation: General Safdar Ali Khan

Updated at: 1830 PST, Monday, August 31, 2009

LAHORE: Ex Director General Rangers Major General (retired) Safdar Ali Khan said the maps of Jinnahpur were recovered in a raid, however the news was later repudiated under political pressure.

Talking to media in Lahore, he said, “Karachi operation was not against any particular party or community, but it was carried out to purge the city from weapons and criminal elements. Whereas Jinnahpur maps were found in a search operation, which were later dined under political pressure.

“The then president Ghulam Ishaq Khan did not want that Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) be crippled against Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP), Jamaat e Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP), and it was the main reason to end the Karachi operation.”

He said, “Pakistan Muslim League (N) cannot shake off the responsibility by claiming that it did was not informed about the operation, since such operations are not carried out without apprising the government.”

Not only the torture cells were found at Jamshoro University, but anthem and slogans for Sindhu Desh were also witnessed written on the walls, he continued.

He said, “When I was GOC Hyderabad in 1987, Altaf Hussain held a rally along with Jeay Sindh, where he torched the National Flag saying it was a great blunder to acknowledge Pakistan.”

Major General (retired) Safdar Ali Khan said he ordered the than Commissioner Ali Mohammad Sheikh to arrest Altaf Hussain, but the Commissioner replied (the than) president Zia-ul-Haq had directed him not to take any action against the MQM Chief.

General Beg’s mess

Ex-army chief General Aslam Beg (Retd) gets bogged down in damning facts whenever he tries to fend off criticism of his past misdeeds. In the latest attack launched by an ex-ISI officer Brigadier Imtiaz Ahmad Billa (Retd), his tenure as the army chief is again highlighted. The charge — as framed by those who are taking note of Brig Ahmad’s campaign — is that the PPP was victimised by Gen Beg and President Ghulam Ishaq Khan and that Ms Benazir Bhutto was dubbed a “security risk” in order to get rid of her.

In answer to Brig Ahmad’s accusation that operation “Midnight Jackals” against the government of Ms Bhutto was at the behest of General Beg and the then ISI chief General Hamid Gul, Gen Beg has now asserted that “Benazir Bhutto was no threat to national security”. To prove that she was “loyal” rather than a “risk”, he cites an incredible but typical secret agency report in 1990 that “the US, the Israelis and Indians were planning to attack Pakistan’s nuclear facilities”. According to him, her response was that “the Pakistan Air Force should be ready to attack India’s nuclear facilities in case Pakistan was attacked”. But if one reads the memoirs of Ms Bhutto, she doesn’t return the compliment. In fact her version is that General Beg didn’t trust she would be sensitive to the security of the country and was warned off certain areas of policy that the army had monopolised and was not willing to change despite a string of failures. She was asked to stay sway from the Afghan policy, Kashmir policy and the nuclear programme, among other issues.

Gen Beg is also keen to divert attention away from his Mehrangate scandal and focus instead on — in his thinking — a less culpable source of the money that was distributed among the politicians to defeat the PPP at the coming polls. He says, “The Saudis had given bags full of money to Mahmood Haroon to woo politicians to join the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), which was constituted to ensure that Benazir did not return to power”. To make it more realistic he has added the detail: “Haroon had claimed that the ‘money-bags’ were so heavy that his shoulders hurt for days”. But evidence shows that it was not Mr Mahmood Haroon’s shoulders that hurt but the hearts of the account-holders in the Mehran Bank that bled when details of how the bank had disbursed big amounts of money to Gen Beg came out. However, Gen Asad Durrani, the then ISI chief, has stated that he had distributed the IJI funds on orders from the army chief. If Mr Beg knew that the money was going to unfairly tilt the elections against the PPP, why did he allow the ISI to distribute it? Especially as he thought Ms Bhutto was no security risk.

Gen Beg is apparently running out of his stock of red herrings. Instead of explaining his own problems with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, he has chosen to explain how Mr Sharif fell foul of the then army chief General Asif Nawaz. He should have explained his insubordination when he went and discussed the nuclear programme with Iran without consulting the prime minister. Mr Sharif is on record as having complained that Gen Beg was running his own nuclear policy in violation of his oath as the chief of Pakistan Army.

Gen Beg is in the habit of floating impossible theories as “breaking news” simply because there are people in the national media willing to listen to his anti-American rhetoric. Whenever there is a need for this kind of catharsis, he contributes fantasies that he has named “strategic defiance”. His latest pronouncement is that the people (read the US) who killed General Zia in 1988 also killed Benazir in 2007. He has blithely disregarded the fact that in any investigation of General Zia’s death his name has cropped up again and again.

Not surprisingly, this has compelled General Zia’s son, Mr Ijazul Haq, to say: “Mirza Aslam Beg should participate in the criminal investigation into the deaths of General Ziaul Haq and Benazir Bhutto if he has information about the killers”. Mr Haq is also on record as saying that he had read the “secret” Justice Shafiur Rehman (Retd) Commission report on the death of General Zia and that it had contained information about how the army had obstructed the commission’s inquiry. (Daily Times)


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Monday, 31 August 2009

BB was no security risk: Beg

What an irony! Those who are the biggest threat to the national security of Pakistan (i.e. corrupt Generals of Pakistan Army) are issuing certificates about who was secruity risk and who was not.

BB was no security risk: Beg

* She told PAF to target Indian N-sites if Pakistan attacked
* Saudis funded IJI
* Blames Abida for Sharif-Asif Nawaz rift

Daily Times Monitor


LAHORE: Former premier Benazir Bhutto was no threat to national security, former chief of army staff Mirza Aslam Beg told Daily Times Editor-in-chief Najam Sethi on Dunya TV on Sunday.

Beg said that Benazir remained “rock solid” in 1990 amid reports of conspiracy against Pakistan.

Attacks: He said when reports surfaced in 1990 that the US, the Israelis and Indians were planning to attack Pakistan’s nuclear facilities, then PM Benazir had asked Pakistan Air Force to be ready to attack India’s nuclear facilities in case Pakistan was attacked.

Money: The former army chief said Saudis had given bags full of money to Mahmood Haroon to woo politicians to join the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), which was constituted to ensure that Benazir did not return to power, and fund IJI’s election campaign.

He said Haroon had claimed that the ‘money-bags’ were so heavy that his “shoulders hurt for days”.

Rift: Beg also said former army chief Asif Nawaz and former PM Nawaz Sharif had been at odds because of former ambassador to US Abida Husssain.

He said Abida had complained to Nawaz that Asif had met some American leaders during his US visit, but had not included her in those meetings.

She had told Nawaz that Asif was conspiring against him with the US leadership. (Daily Times)


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Wednesday, 8 April 2009

Architect of infamous “Operation Midnight Jackal” Major Amir joins PPP ???

Return of the ‘Midnight Jackal’?
By Shahzad Raza
Wednesday, 08 Apr, 2009


ISLAMABAD, April 7: Major Amir, who allegedly conspired and collaborated with others to topple the first Benazir Bhutto government, is said to have developed close relations with the Pakistan People’s Party top leadership.Party sources told Dawn that Major Amir, a former Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) operative, had held a few meetings with President Asif Ali Zardari. However, what was discussed in the meetings remains unclear.
The sources said that Major Amir was part of the president’s entourage that accompanied him on his visit to Saudi Arabia in November 2008.They added that some PPP leaders were quite surprised to see him around.
Major Amir confirmed the recent thaw in relationship between himself and the PPP top leadership.“Let it be no surprise that I have had a cordial relationship with the PPP leadership for the past few years,” he asserted.Asked what he discussed during his meetings with the president, he said, obliquely, that they had exchanged views on the issues of mutual interest.However, the presidential spokesman, Farhatullah Babar, denied reports of meetings between Major Amir and President Zardari.“I have never seen Major Amir in the Presidency during my stay. Moreover, I have not seen his name in any of the scheduled meetings of the president,” he said. But Mr Babar could not explain why Major Amir had been included in President Zardari’s entourage to Saudi Arabia.
Major Amir and Brigadier Imtiaz were the two main characters of “Operation Midnight Jackal” that was reportedly launched to topple the first Benazir Bhutto government in 1989.The ISI had reportedly launched the operation to make Pakistan People’s Party MNAs support a no-confidence motion against their own prime minister.According to the then director-general of the Intelligence Bureau, Masood Sharif Khattak, Major Amir and Brigadier Imtiaz were caught on video and audiotapes influencing some PPP parliamentarians.
But in an earlier interview with DawnNews, Major Amir and Brig Imtiaz had contradicted the reports of their involvement in the conspiracy.Major Amir claimed he was acting on the specific directives of the then ISI director-general, Shamsur Rehman Kallue, who was an appointee of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto.He claimed that he was acting to identify the black sheep within the ranks of the PPP. He offered the same version of events to the board in the GHQ which heard his case during court martial proceedings. The former ISI operative conceded that he kept a watchful eye on the treasury MNAs who were expected to support the no-confidence motion against the then prime minister, Benazir Bhutto.
Sources said Major Amir would never have been able to find a place close to Benazir Bhutto. They added that some close aides of President Zardari helped Major Amir make his acquaintance.The former ISI operative used to be a special adviser to former NWFP chief minister Sardar Mehtab Abbasi, a close aide of former prime minister Nawaz Sharif. By then, Major Amir was said to be in the good books of the PML-N top leader. But this is not what the PML-N spokesman thought.“He was just an adviser to Sardar Mehtab. But he did not have any close contact with Mian Nawaz Sharif,” PML-N spokesman Siddiqul Farooq claimed.
A political pundit, who has access to some important drawing rooms in Islamabad, did not rule out the possibility of the former ISI operative being given an important political assignment to deal with right-wing media or fundos or both.

http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-content-library/dawn/the-newspaper/front-page/return-of-the-midnight-jackal

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Major Amir liked Nawaz Sharif as Political Leader and was part of his Political Camp !!

Daily Times' report of 22nd April, 2007


Establishment doesn’t like public-backed leaders’

Daily Times MonitorLAHORE:

Major Amir, the alleged architect of the notorious Operation Midnight Jackal, says Pakistani establishment likes the leaders who are not backed by the public.In an interview with the Geo television on Saturday, Amir said the establishment was against every leader who had people’s mandate behind them. “Pakistani establishment likes leaders like Malik Maraj Khalid, Moeen Qureshi, Sardar Balakh Sher Mazari and current Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz,” he said.
Amir said he liked Sharif as a political leader and was a part of his political camp. He said Sharif was more acceptable to the army than Benazir Bhutto.
The former Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) officer said the ISI principally acted on the orders of the prime minister. But, he said, in case of lack of coordination between the prime minister and the army chief the agency preferred to seek directives from the army chief. Amir said he acted on the orders of the then ISI chief in the Operation Midnight Jackal, adding that the objective behind this operation was not to remove the Bhutto’s government. “I was court-martialled and removed from the army even though I proved my innocence before the inquiry committee,” he said.He said Jonejo’s government was removed because the US was against it. “The US thought that Jonejo had failed to deliver on Iran,” he said, adding that Mullah Omar was loyal to Pakistan compared to Hamid Karzai.

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2007%5C04%5C22%5Cstory_22-4-2007_pg7_19

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How the ISI Subverts the Political System

The Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989 marked the beginning ofa new period of intense political activity for the Pakistani intelligence agencies.Both the MI and the ISI worked hard to implement the military’s political agenda, and they have played an active role in every general election since. They have been used to support, oppose, or eventually suppress particular political groups and to aid domestic adversaries of civilian governments with which the military had grown dissatisfied.
Intelligence quickly became and remains central for senior commanders pursuing behind-the-scenes political interventions.The army chief brings information collected by the agencies to the president and the prime minister in a discretionary manner. The president has in the past relied on political intelligence gathered by the agenciesto formulate the charges against governments he wanted to dismiss.
The army chief therefore controls a very powerful instrument—an instrument that can be used indirectly through the president when civilians are in power, or directly when the military is in power.
The latter was the case under Musharraf, to whom the army chief reported.

Funding political parties.

The military ultimately managed to have Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto dismissed in 1990, and the ISI again became active in the general elections, during which it supported a number of her political opponents. Allegations of the ISI’s interference in domestic politics went public on March 24, 1994, when Mehran Bank president Yunus Habib was arrestedfor siphoning money from the bank. On April 20, the issue was brought tothe floor of the National Assembly by Interior Minister Nasrullah Babar.

In 1997, retired air marshal Asghar Khan, former chief of the Pakistan AirForce, filed a Supreme Court petition challenging the legality of a “donation”by the Mehran Bank, a nationalized institution, of some approximately $6.5 million to the then-COAS, General Mirza Aslam Beg, in 1990. The chief justice, Sajjad Ali Shah, called a hearing on ISI’s role in domestic politics. General Aslam Beg, who admitted he had put the money at the disposal of the ISI and MI through a secret service account, had earlier declared that “it was a practice with the ISI to support candidates during the elections under the direction of the chief executive.” The money was then used by the MI and ISI for “duly authorized purposes.” It was used in particular to fund the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), which received a little less than half the total sum. Beneficiaries also included the future prime minister, Nawaz Sharif. A substantial part of the money was also used as “special funds,” destined to finance covert operations.

The 1990 election was not the first instance of ISI involvement in Pakistani politics. Manipulation of elections has been the norm since the creation of the country, particularly under military regimes trying to compensate for their lack of legitimacy. Millions of rupees were embezzled from secret funds for that purpose in 1970 by General Umar, a close associateof Ayub Khan, and N. A. Rizvi, who directed the IB at that time.

Besides the PPP, the only victim of the scandal was the banker, YunusHabib, who was arrested and jailed. The COAS suffered no judicial consequencesand went on the offensive, demanding that legal action be takenagainst the former chief of the Pakistan Air Force and General NasrullahBabar for violating the provision of the Official Secrets Act and bringing thearmed forces into disrepute.

Although technically still pending before the Supreme Court, the case was de facto suspended by the October 1999 coup d’état of PervezMusharraf. Almost eight years later, in February 2007, Asghar Khan, one of the main protagonists of the scandal, was still asking the SupremeCourt to “determine the role of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in national politics.”

Support for particular political groups or parties is not primarily the result of ideological sympathies. Like all individuals, intelligence agents have their own ideological inclinations and political preferences, but these pale in comparison with the military’s institutional interest in its own domination of the political landscape. Therefore, support or opposition to any given organization varies over time, the latter being eventually as viciousas the former can be generous.

Setting up alliances.

In 1988, the ISI, led by Lieutenant General HamidGul, set up the IJI, an alliance of right-wing and religious political parties,to prevent Benazir Bhutto’s PPP from sweeping the polls. The ISI arranged the reunification of Pakistan’s two Pakistan Muslim League factions, which were then joined by smaller organizations, and helped them campaign against the PPP.
Imtiaz Ahmed, who was then additional director general of national security at the ISI and as such was involved in all ISI political dealings, launched a campaign to discredit Benazir Bhutto for allegedly working against Punjabi interests. The military opposition failed to prevent a PPP victory in the elections, but ISI manipulations led to greater electoral success for the religious parties, which obtained, collectively,12 percent of the vote in the 1988 national election, a score they never again reached, including in 2002.
The military high command did not even bother denying its own involvement,nor that of the intelligence agencies, in the process, cynically describing it as “helping to restore democracy.” When asked what would have happened if Benazir Bhutto had won the 1988 elections with a greater majority, former COAS General Aslam Beg declared:[T]he army perhaps would not have allowed the transfer of power to Benazir Bhutto. There is a strong feeling in the army that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was responsible for the East Pakistan debacle and that he maligned the army.... So, to ensure that power was smoothly transferred to Benazir Bhutto and democracy restored, the IJI was formed by the ISI.This was done with the clear knowledge that that it would not stop thePPP from forming the government.... I set up a fake competition by creating the IJI to ensure that a democratic government would be formed....Let me categorically state that the decision to hold on to or relinquish power rests squarely with the army."
Nonetheless, after the PPP’s victory, the ISI never ceased trying to unseat Benazir Bhutto. In October 1989, at the instigation of Hamid Guland in an operation named Midnight Jackals, the ISI tried to sway PPP members of the National Assembly to back a no-confidence vote against Bhutto and managed to convince the Mohajir Quami Movement (MQM; itsname was changed later to Muttahida Quami Movement) to switch its supportfrom the PPP to the opposition.

Source: Reforming theIntelligence Agencies in Pakistan’s Transitional Democracy
By: Frédéric Grare
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/pakistan_intelligence_transitional_democracy.pdf
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Wednesday, 4 March 2009

ISI and Our Corrupt Generals - An Analysis



This site has moved to http://criticalppp.com/archives/26782, click this link if you are not redirected
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Sunday, 15 February 2009

A perspective on Ex-Servicemen’s Association: Rauf Klasra

Hamid Gul, Asad Durrani, Aslam Beg are the real saviours of this nation. Really?




Read related posts on Ex-Servicemen's Association and their "services" to Pakistan:


http://letusbuildpakistan.blogspot.com/search/label/Ex-Servicemen%27s%20Association

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Monday, 2 February 2009

Meeting of ex-servicemen: the Mullah Military Alliance repackaged and renamed?


[1100564643-2.gif]

Agents of ISI, perpetrators of violence and mischief in Pakistan and neighboring countries, exploiters of religion, are conspiring once again against the democratic people of Pakistan.


Look at their names:

Hamid Gul, Aslam Beg, Roedad Khan, Qazi Hussain Ahmad, Samiul Haq, Saeeduz Zaman Siddiqui, Ghous Ali Shah, Ahsan Iqbal etc.

Look at their faces:



They want to make a foot ball of the lawyers movement?



Ex-servicemen, politicians analyse security issues

RAWALPINDI: Pakistan Ex-Servicemen Association and politicians on Sunday held the ‘Defence of Pakistan Conference’ at a local hotel and discussed the security challenges confronting Pakistan.

The participants unanimously demanded that the United States stop drone attacks in Pakistan’s Tribal Areas, and that the Pakistani government should prefer dialogue to a military operation in Swat. Former Inter-Services Intelligence chief Lt General (r) Hameed Gul, former army chief General (r) Aslam Baig, former chief justice of Pakistan Saeeduz Zaman Siddiqui, Justice (r) Wajihuddin, Jamaat-e-Islami chief Qazi Hussain Ahmed, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam chief Maulana Samiul Haq, Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz leader Ahsan Iqbal, Tehreek-e-Istaqlal’s Syed Ghous Ali Shah, and others attended the conference.

The speakers urged the government to reinstate the sacked judges including sacked chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. They urged the government to devise a peaceful solution to the Kashmir dispute in line with the United Nation resolution. The speakers emphasised the stability of the government to overcome the security challenges. They also urged the government to trace the missing persons immediately. They also highlighted the importance of parliament's supremacy. imran asghar (Daily Times)
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Monday, 20 October 2008

The evidence of ISI's involvement in Pakistani politics. Asghar Khan's petition in the Supreme Court.

We never learn from history – 6

By Ardeshir Cowasjee

IN this God-given, Jinnah-founded country of ours it is safe to assume that the majority of those who manage to be elected to our assemblies, or appointed to positions of power, or to squirm their way into politics are shrewd enough to realise that they are actually good for nothing other than the assumption of power and the acquisition therefrom of pelf.

Sixty years ago (short of five days) Mohammad Ali Jinnah clearly told his fellow countrymen that the first thing his country must have is law and order so that the lives, properties and religious beliefs of its citizens are protected. He also stressed the fact that religion is not the business of the state. We are slowly, very slowly, trying to get there.

One example : During his second stint in power with his massive ‘mandate’, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif wished to rid himself of an awkward Chief Justice of Pakistan, Sajjad Ali Shah, so he consulted his confidantes. On November 5, 1997, as recounts Gohar Ayub Khan in his recently published book ‘Glimpses into the Corridors of Power’, Nawaz “asked me to accompany him to the PM’s House. In the car, the PM put his hand on my knee and said, ‘Gohar Sahib, show me the way to arrest the Chief Justice and keep him in jail for a night’.” Naturally, Gohar was ‘shocked’ and advised him against even thinking about it.

But deep-thinking Nawaz thought further, and on November 27 of that same year he had his goons physically storm the Supreme Court of Pakistan while Sajjad Ali Shah was hearing a contempt case brought against him (Nawaz) and then proceeded to engineer, with the help of Sajjad’s brother judges, the successful removal of their Chief Justice.

Ten years later, Top Gun President General Pervez Musharraf also wished to rid himself of a Chief Justice of Pakistan who had the potential to prove awkward. But this time he chose the legal route. The Supreme Court held firm and he lost. We must assume this to be progress.Now to the ‘core issue’ of this column, an issue of much import that has been kept hanging, whether because of the reluctance of the judges to take it up in view of its subject, or whether it has been ignored on the ‘advice’ of the government. Things have now changed, they are different. The Supreme Court has been empowered by the people.

In 1996 a human rights petition was filed by Air Marshal (rtd) Asghar Khan in the Supreme Court of Pakistan (HRC 19/96) against the retired chief of army staff General Mirza Muhammad Aslam Beg, the former Inter Services Intelligence chief retired Lt-General Asad Durrani and Younis Habib of Habib and Mehran Banks, relating to the disbursement of public money and its misuse for political purposes.

The case was initiated by the Air Marshal after Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto’s Interior Minister, another retired general, Nasirullah Babar, on June 11, 1996, announced on the floor of the National Assembly that the former COAS, General Mirza Aslam Beg had, in 1990, during the run-up to the elections held that year, withdrawn an amount of Rs.140 million from Mehran Bank, handed it over to the ISI chief, Lt-General Asad Durrani and asked him to suitably disburse the amount to a selection of anti-PPP politicians and thus rig the elections in favour of the ISI-tailored IJI and Nawaz Sharif.

Shortly thereafter Justice Shah received a letter from Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan, copied to the then COAS General Jehangir Karamat, drawing his attention to the matter. On the basis of this letter, an attached press clippings and an affidavit signed by Asad Durrani listing the politicians to whom money had been paid, the Supreme Court decided to register a case under Article 184(3) of the constitution.

The petitioner, Asghar Khan, requested that Beg, Durrani and Younas Habib of Habib and Mehran Banks be named as respondents. The ISI requested that the hearing be in-camera and the Court agreed to the request insofar as proceedings regarding the legal position of the ISI were concerned.

Hearings commenced in February 1997 and continued through the year. On November 6, the statements of Babar and Durrani were to be recorded. The Court, under Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah, was faced with the awkward question as to the law under which the ISI and its political cell had been set up. Beg’s counsel, Akram Shaikh, after fulsome praise of the agency and its great achievements – greater than those of RAW, the KGB or MI-5 – explained how the political cell had been established in 1975 under the orders of the then prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The Court asked the Attorney-General (Nawaz’s lawyer Chaudhry Mohammed Farooq) to provide the relevant documentation as to the scope of the activities of the political cell and to clarify whether, under the law, part of its duties was to distribute funds for the purpose of rigging elections.

The AG, of course, wriggled out of that one by stating that the matter was of such a ‘sensitive’ and ‘delicate’ nature that it could not be heard in open court. Asghar’s lawyer, Habib Wahab ul Khairi, countered by saying that as the entire matter had been aired in the press, with all the names involved fully listed, there was little left to warrant in-camera proceedings, and besides, the people had every right to know how their money had been used and whether the use in question was permitted by law.

The court, however, allowed the recording of Babar’s and Durrani’s statements and their cross examination to be held in camera , which they were on November 19 and 20.

Seven days later, on November 27, 1997, the Supreme Court was stormed by Nawaz’s goons and shortly thereafter Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah was sent home. We heard no more about this petition, filed, for once, truly in the national interest, until The Herald, the monthly magazine of this newspaper’s group, in its issue of April 2000 published a report by Mubasshir Zaidi (‘Forging democracy’) which made mention of it : “The case has since been heard and on October 11, 1999, just a day before the military overthrew the ‘heavily mandated’ Sharif government, the sitting Chief Justice, Saiduzzaman Siddiqui, announced that he had reserved judgment on the ISI case.”

Almost three years later, after a deafening silence from the Court, on August 10, 2002, Asghar Khan addressed a letter to the then Chief Justice of Pakistan, Sheikh Riaz Ahmed, its subject “HRC No.19/96, Air Marshal (R) Mohammad Asghar Khan versus General (R) Mirza Aslam Beg.” It read : “I should like to draw you attention to my letter MAK/12/5 addressed to your predecessor on 8 April, 2000, requesting that the above case may please be reopened. I have received no reply to this letter and elections are due on 10 October, 2002.

Many of the people who are guilty of misconduct will, if the case is not heard, be taking part in the elections and the purpose of those elections will thus be defeated. I would request an early hearing and decision in this case.”

Again, nothing happened. The case has remained morgued amidst thousands of pending cases lying with the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

Now, in this election year of 2007, and before this round of ‘free and fair’ elections takes place, before the ISI and its sister agencies once more get into the act, and before the main actors depart from this world, will the reinstated Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, take up the Retired Air Marshal’s petition and see it to its finality. It is of vital importance to the future political scenario as it should incriminate and disqualify many an aspiring public representative hoping to lord it over this nation yet again.

And will the stalwarts of the Supreme Court Bar Association please help the retired Air Marshal – he needs legal representation.

arfc@cyber.net.pk

http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20070508.htm
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Partners in crime: Ex-Servicemen’s Association (the new face of ISI sponsored thugs)

Partners in crime

Amir Mir

Hardly a fortnight after Pakistani Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani directed the officers of the Pakistan Army through an official letter not to indulge in politics and pay heed to their professional responsibilities, a group of prominent ex-servicemen – retired military officers including high profile retired generals, air marshals and admirals – have come down hard on President Musharraf for unnecessarily dragging the army into politics and have asked him to immediately resign as the head of the state and hand over power to the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry.

Since assuming the command of the 600,000-strong Pakistan Army from General Musharraf in December 2007, the 55-year-old career officer General Kayani has kept a relatively low profile, although he seems to be trying to keep the military out of politics, unlike his predecessor, Musharraf. The Pakistan Army, in the very first decade after the creation of Pakistan in 1947, became a politicised army – the power behind the throne in national politics and thus soon seized political control. Thereafter, the army intervened frequently to seize political power and imposed military rule for protracted periods; the military coups of Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan were followed by a pro-jihad Zia regime that lasted for 12 long years and an anti-jihad Musharraf regime. Therefore, having tasted political power, the Pakistan Army had ceased to be apolitical.

However, the unusual directive by the new chief of a highly politicised army has been widely welcomed as it represents the overwhelming public sentiment that the army should go back to the barracks permanently by withdrawing itself from the national political arena for the good of the country. The directive shows that the new army chief wants to systematically reverse some of the most significant policies of his predecessor, who had to take off his uniform in December 2007 under intense international pressure. Two months down the road since assuming the command of the army, General Kayani has issued two key directives: prohibiting army officers from meeting with politicians and ordering all those officers who hold posts in civilian agencies on deputation to resign from those positions.

Hardly a couple of weeks after General Kayani issued these directives, a group of retired military officers, formed an organisation of ex-servicemen, welcomed the initiative taken by the new army chief to depoliticise the army and urged their colleague, General (retd) Pervez Musharraf, to hand over power to the deposed Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry. These developments reflect increasingly strong challenges Musharraf faces after taking off his uniform. The group of retired military men, including former army chief Mirza Aslam Beg, former ISI chief Lieutenant General (retd) Hamid Gul, former Air Chief Marshall (retd) Asghar Khan, a former Corps Commander Rawalpindi Lieutenant General (retd) Ali Quli Khan, a former Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator Lieutenant General (retd) Faiz Ali Chishti and many others asked Musharraf on January 31 in Islamabad to resign in the supreme national of the country.

An open letter signed by more than 100 retired military officers – all members of the All Pakistan Ex-Servicemen Society, an organisation working for the welfare of retired military personnel, stated that all the four state pillars have suffered at the hands of Pervez Musharraf during his eight year rule, be it the judiciary, the executive, the media or the legislature and, therefore, he should quit the presidency in the supreme national interest. “Musharraf should step down and hand over power to Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, who is still the constitutional head of the Pakistani judiciary,” said Air Marshall (retd) Asghar Khan while talking to newsmen at the gathering of the ex-servicemen. Speaking on the occasion, General (retd) Aslam Beg, who headed the military from 1988 to 1991, said Musharraf had tarnished the image of the armed forces and called on all ex-servicemen to help restore it. “We should work together to strengthen democracy by trying to remove the only impediment in its way – Pervez Musharraf.”

A few days later, on February 5, for the first time in the history of Pakistan, a large number of the former military officers staged a demonstration near the General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Pakistan Army in Rawalpindi to protest against President Pervez Musharraf’s policies and asked him to resign. The unprecedented protest rally was held a day after the Monday suicide bombing close to the GHQ, which killed 11 people, including some military personnel. Newspaper reports say the participants of the demonstration chanted full-throat slogans like ‘Go Musharraf go’, ‘No Musharraf no’, ‘We want a commission on Kargil’, ‘Musharraf must resign’, etc., while marching towards the GHQ. The retired generals vowed that they would continue their protest until President Musharraf quits power.

However, on his part, however, Musharraf has rejected the demand, describing it a call from “disenchanted job seeking retired generals who had been kicked out by him”. Federal Information Minister Nisar Memon too rejected the resignation demand by the ex-servicemen, saying the ex-servicemen should remain within their limits, otherwise action could be taken against them. Interestingly, the leading lights of the ex-servicemen’s organisation had themselves been amongst those responsible for dragging the army into politics. To begin with, Asghar Khan enjoys the distinction of having written a letter to General Ziaul Haq in 1977, literally inviting him to stage a military coup against Bhutto, which he eventually did. Faiz Ali Chishti became the deputy Martial Law Administrator when Zia had imposed Martial Law. Mirza Aslam Beg had been involved in manipulating the 1990 elections by distributing a hefty amount of Rs 140 million amongst a group of anti-PPP politicians through the then ISI chief and a part of the ex-servicemen society, Lieutenant General (retd) Asad Durrani and last but not the least Hameed Gul enjoys the distinction of having founded the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) in 1990.

Interestingly, however, Asghar Khan, Aslam Beg, Faiz Chishti and many others present at the gathering of the retired officers, when reminded of their meddling with politics while being in uniform and asked if they wanted to apologise to the nation for their own, they simply refused. Except for retired Lieutenant General Hamid Gul, none other retired khaki personnel showed the moral courage by making an admission of guilt. Gul not only admitted the wrongdoings he had committed as a spy chief, he also submitted a formal apology to the nation and said he was ready for any punishment. “I am ready for a trial or even hanging,” Gul told the gathering in open door proceedings. His words, however, failed to move the other architects and backers of martial law who were sitting on the stage.

While refusing to show remorse for their past conduct, Asghar Khan, who was presiding over the meeting, got annoyed when asked about his “dirty past” and asked to apologise. “These were individual acts of power hungry generals and they are the ones who should be asked to apologise,” he responded. He did not respond when a journalist questioned the moral authority of the retired generals to preach others when they did not feel embarrassed on the wrongdoings of their past. Khan refused to take questions on self-accountability when reminded that he himself was among the strong supporters of Zia’s martial law and the person sitting next to him, Lieutenant General (retd) Faiz Ali Chishti, was Commander 10 Corps when Zia had taken over and later collaborated with him in all his acts. Questioners also mentioned General (retd) Aslam Beg under whose stint as the army chief the Mehran Bank scandal took place and the then president had nominated his successor three months before Beg’s retirement as a pre-emptive measure keeping in view his political ambitions.

Interestingly, Asghar Khan had petitioned the Supreme Court of Pakistan in June 1996, accusing the ISI of manipulating the 1990 general election results in favour of the IJI. And those made respondents in the case were Mirza Aslam Beg and Asad Durrani, ex-Director-General of ISI Directorate, both sitting on stage with Asghar Khan and making fiery speeches against the army’s indulgence in politics. In his written reply submitted with the Supreme Court, General (retd) Aslam Beg had stated: “More serious damage has been caused to the reputation and the good will of the Armed Forces by Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan in bringing the petition before this Honourable Court and raising an issue before the apex Court, which of course would receive great publicity and would cause greater damage by scandalisation in the media...dragging the ex-service chief to the courts on a letter may be detrimental to the prestige, honour and dignity of the institution he has once represented…Asghar Khan has approached this august court with ulterior motives and his representation is based on obvious malafides…”

However, despite repeated reminders about their past intervention in national politics, neither Asghar Khan showed the grace to confess any wrongdoing nor did Aslam Beg, Asad Durrani and Faiz Chishti. Speaking on his own behalf and the three others, Asghar, who had demanded of Zia during the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) movement in 1977 that Bhutto should be toppled and hanged publicly at the Sihala Bridge, said: “Whatever has happened in the past has happened and the media should stop browbeating the past.”

However, one is constrained to ask if these khakis were unaware of the spirit of the oath they had taken while joining the army, which explicitly prohibits them from indulging in politics: “I, with a sincere heart and God as my witness do solemnly swear that I will be faithful to the State of Pakistan and protect the Constitution of Pakistan, which reflects the wishes of the people of Pakistan. Further, I will not indulge in any political activity and will perform my duties in the armed forces with full faith and honesty. I will go where and howsoever I am ordered to by land, air or sea and that I will obey all lawful orders given to me by my superiors without regard to any dangers and threats to my personal safety. May God be my protector and witness! Amen.”

The writer is the former editor of weekly Independent, now affiliated with foreign media.

http://www.thepost.com.pk/Previuos.aspx?dtlid=143450&src=Amir%20Mir&date=08/02/2008
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Ardeshir Cowasjee: We never learn from history. Hami Gul, Asla Beg and other corrupt Generals of the ISI

Hamid Gul, Aslam Beg, Roedad Khan, Akhtar Abdur Rehman, Zia-ul-Haq, Rafiq Tarar, the long list of criminals of ISI ... By Ardeshir Cowasjee

We never learn from history


By Ardeshir Cowasjee

The indefatigable old warrior of our skies is wounded, as sorely wounded as any father of 81 years of age who has tragically lost his eldest son, himself a father, under the most mysterious and peculiar of circumstances, a son endowed with much talent and intelligence with a future before him even brighter than his past. For this great tragedy that has struck him, his endearing wife, and his family, we can but express our most sincere condolences.

As an old-time officer and a gentleman to his fingertips, as an honest man of moderate means, and as a man who genuinely wished to do good by the poverty-stricken, uneducated of this country, there was no way, no way at all, that Air Marshal Asghar Khan could succeed as a politician of Pakistan, given the environment, the atmosphere that prevails and the mindset of the majority.

On July 15, The Nation printed a column written by the air marshal on 'The anatomy of politics', the first of a series he intends to write on the subject. He recounted how in the era of Field Marshal Ayub Khan he spearheaded a movement with the intent to have Zulfikar Ali Bhutto released from jail. When he was released, Bhutto suggested that Asghar join him in his campaign to destroy Ayub Khan. What would be Zulfikar's programme and policy once Ayub was removed, Asghar asked. Zulfikar, unabashed and completely frank, answered 'My programme is to fool the people. They are fools, and I know how to make a fool of them. Join me and we will rule for twenty years. No one will be able to remove us.'

Not being familiar with politics and politicians in those early years, a naive Asghar was genuinely shocked and his response was that he would oppose Bhutto and his politics as best as he could.

But the main thrust of his column was the human rights petition filed by him in the Supreme Court (HRC 19/96) against the retired COAS General Mirza Mohammad Aslam Beg, the former ISI chief retired Lt General Asad Durrani and Younis Habib of Habib and Mehran Banks, relating to the disbursement of public money and its misuse for political purposes, which is still pending hearing by the court. The case was initiated by the air marshal after Benazir Bhutto's interior minister, another retired general, Naseerullah Babar, had disclosed in the National Assembly in 1994 how the ISI had disbursed funds to purchase the loyalty of politicians and public figures so as to manipulate the 1990 elections, form the IJI, and bring about the defeat of the PPP.

The old warrior has amazingly still not lost hope. He somehow feels that ultimately justice must prevail. The matter of the involvement of the Inter-Services Intelligence and other intelligence agencies in the manipulation of politics and the disbursement of the people's money for that purpose is by no means over nor has it, apparently, even abated.

Nothing, with regard to the dubious activities of our so-called agencies has changed since 1994 and I now relate a story of those days. The ISI is, right now, at its old games, spending our money and 'fixing' our future, particularly in the province of Sindh where its interference and placements bode ill.

In September of 1994 Kamran Khan of The News and The Washington Post came calling. He told me how earlier that year he had asked for an appointment with the then leader of the opposition, Nawaz Sharif, to interview him on his relationship with the army and the security services whilst he was prime minister. He was asked to go to Lahore and meet the Mian.

When on May 16 Kamran arrived at Nawaz's Model Town house, there was an army of men equipped with bulldozers demolishing the security fences and structures Nawaz had built on adjoining land, not his to build upon (akin to those built around Karachi's Bilawal House). The breakers had been on the job since dawn.

Kamran found Nawaz angry but composed. He was amply plied and refreshed with 'badaam-doodh' and Nawaz, his information wizard Mushahid Hussain and he settled down to talk and continued to do so until late afternoon when Kamran left to fly back to Karachi.

Nawaz opened up by congratulating Kamran on his Mehrangate exposures which had recently appeared in the press, asking how the inquiry was progressing, and giving his own views. They exchanged information, each believing the other was being informed. They talked about how COAS Aslam Beg (sporter of shades in the shade) managed to get Rs 14 crore (140 million) from Yunis Habib, then of Habib Bank. This was deposited in the 'Survey Section 202' account of Military Intelligence (then headed by Major-General Javed Ashraf Kazi). From there Rs 6 crore was paid to President Ghulam Ishaq Khan's election cellmates (General Rafaqat, Roedad Khan, Ijlal Hyder Zaidi, etc.), and Rs 8 crore transferred to the ISI account.

After lunch, Nawaz brought up the subject of how Aslam Beg early in 1991 had sought a meeting with him (then prime minister) to which he brought Major-General Asad Durrani, chief of the ISI. They told him that funds for vital on-going covert operations (not identified by Nawaz) were drying up, how they had a foolproof plan to generate money by dealing in drugs. They asked for his permission to associate themselves with the drug trade, assuring him of full secrecy and no chance of any trail leading back to them.

Nawaz remarked that on hearing this he felt the roof had caved in on him. He told them he could have nothing to do with such a plan and refused to give his approval.

The Washington Post had just broken Kamran's story and when I asked why it had not broken earlier, he told me how they check and recheck, and that in the meantime, he had been busy with the Mehrangate affair on which, between May and August, he had filed seven stories.

We must again ask: was Nawaz capable of saying what he did? Yes. Did Kamran invent the whole thing? Not likely. Is The Washington Post a responsible paper with credibility? Yes. Everybody who is anyone in Washington reads it over breakfast. Has it ever made mistakes? Yes.

What is so earth-shattering about using drugs to make money? Drugs have been trafficked and used for covert operations for ages, by warlords, statesmen, chieftans and generals, used to gain territory, to buy or to harm the enemy. Remember how the staid Victorians of the British empire used opium to China's detriment. Remember the Americans and how they traded drugs in Vietnam, and the Iran-Contra affair.

Can we believe Aslam Beg? Judging by his behaviour and record, no. Are we expected to believe Asad Durrani, a clever professional spook? Of course not.

Have all our generals been upright men and played it right? Of course, yes. Otherwise would they have ended up the way they did? Ziaul Haq? Governor, rich General Fazle Haq? How about dubious politician, rich General Aslam Beg, Lt General Javed Ashraf Kazi first chief of the MI and then of the ISI, Nawaz's ISI chief, General Javed Nasir, sacked by General Waheed Kakar, General Asad Durrani of MI and ISI fame, summarily sacked by General Kakar, rewarded and re-employed by Benazir as her ambassador in Bonn, and dangerous politician, the firebrand fundo General Hamid Gul.

How did Ejazul Haq, son of the pious General Ziaul Haq, and Humayun Akhtar Rahman, son of the powerful General Akhtar Abdul Rahman, become tycoons overnight?

The story related above was printed in Dawn in my column of September 23 1994, and was never repudiated by any of the honourable gentlemen mentioned. Kamran Khan is still writing and when Nawaz Sharif returned as prime minister in 1997, Kamran was awarded the presidential Pride of Performance medal for journalism which was pinned upon his chest by none other than Rafiq Tarar, former justice of the Supreme Court and then head of state.

http://www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/20020721.htm
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